The Plough
Volume 2, Number 42
27 June 2005
E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Bodenstown Speech at the Grave of Wolfe Tone
2) Commemoration of Miriam Daly
3) Letters
4) What's On
*******
BODENSTOWN SPEECH AT THE GRAVE OF WOLFE TONE
[The following speech was delivered by IRSP Ard-Chomhairle member John
Murtagh to a gathering of about 200 members of the Republican
Socialist Movement at Bodenstown, the burial place of the founding
father of Irish Republicanism.]
Fellow Republicans,
"From my earliest youth I have regarded the connection between Ireland
and Great Britain as the curse of the Irish nation, and felt
convinced, that while it lasted, this country would never be free or
happy. In consequence, I determined to apply all the power, which my
individual efforts could move, in order to separate the two countries.
That Ireland was not able, of herself, to throw off the yoke, I knew.
I therefore sought for aid wherever it was to be found...Under the
flag of the French Republic I originally engaged with a view to save
and liberate my own country. For that purpose I have encountered the
chances of war amongst strangers: for that purpose I have repeatedly
braved the terrors of the ocean, covered as I knew it to be with the
triumphant fleets of that Power which it was my glory and my duty to
oppose. I have sacrificed all my views in life; I have courted
poverty; I have left a beloved wife unprotected, and children whom I
adored, fatherless. After such sacrifices, in a cause which I have
always considered as the cause of justice and freedom - it is no great
effort at this day to add the sacrifice of my life." - Wolfe Tone
Once more we gather to pay homage to the ideals of republicanism at
the grave of the founding father of Irish Republicanism, Theobald
Wolfe Tone. Occasions like these are important to us. Important
because standing here today at this graveside we are reminded how
privileged we are to be called republicans.
Comrades and friends, to be an Irish Republican is a heavy
responsibility for we have a duty to ensure that the high ideals that
are associated with Irish Republicanism are maintained and upheld.
When the Society of United Irishmen was formed it espoused the most
radical ideas and beliefs of the times - liberty, equality and
fraternity. We in the Republican Socialist Movement still adhere to
those basic principles and believe that for our society they can only
be truly implemented in a genuine democratic republic for all the
people on this island based on socialist values and principles.
Therefore no member of this movement should dishonour the principles
of republican socialism by either by word or deed. Unfortunately past
members of ours, people who we once called comrades, have, when they
were expelled or left this movement, betrayed the beliefs they once
espoused.
There are people purporting to be in the INLA involved in drug
dealing, protectionism and criminality operating particularly in the
Dublin area. Needless to say they are not part of this movement. Have
nothing to do with these people.
However these criminals do share something in common with the
political elites who run both parts of this country. They both have
damaged real politics by their cheating, lying, distorting and
corrupting influences. Many ordinary working class have become jaded
and cynical about what passes for politics on this island. Double
speak, spin-doctoring and lying are all that we now expect to hear
from the politicians who daily appear on our TV screens. And it is no
good republicans pointing the finger of blame at someone like Michael
McDowell and crying that he is trying to criminalise republicans. Like
Caesar's wife, republicans should be above suspicion. And that is not
the case today.
Comrades, let me be frank. We have a long way to go to reassure the
Irish working class that republican socialists are deserving of their
support. We have a long difficult road ahead of us. Therefore there is
a responsibility on all of us here today to ensure that we live up to
the high values we expect of republican socialists. Ask yourself what
have I done in the past 12 months to advance the cause of the Irish
working class.
Outside of republican commemorations - Have I marched for good causes
such as the anti-war movement? Against bin charges or water rates?
Have I been involved in pickets? Gone to trade union meetings? Been
active in my local community associations? Sold the party newspaper?
Indeed have I written for the party newspaper? Have I recruited young
people to the party? Have I contributed to the party's finances? Have
I campaigned against poverty, injustice or repression? Have I read the
writings of James Connolly? Do I know anything about Wolfe Tone? Have
I educated myself in republican and socialist history and ideas?
Or am I one, who hating the "Orangies" joined this movement so that in
the marching season I might get the chance to have a crack at them
with something substantial? Or am I, a bar room republican content to
drink with those who once smelt the cordite, in the hope that people
will see me as "one of the boys"?
Comrades, we in the Republican Socialist Movement are not innocents
abroad. We know that many of us from the North have been influenced by
the sectarian atmosphere that is in the air.
Recent events in Ardoyne raises the sectarian atmosphere and no one
can help but be affected. Sectarian attitudes may well rise to the
surface. But we do have a duty as republicans to rise above these
feelings for we want to build an Ireland that embraces everyone no
matter what background. Yes we have been, are and will be strong
opponents of the British directed loyalist murder gangs. But we make
every effort no matter how difficult to reach out to the Protestant
working class to convince them that our vision could be their vision.
We have said time and time again for the whole of our existence as a
revolutionary movement since 1974 that tinkering with the current
partitionist states on the island will not solve the basic fundamental
problems of the island. So long as the northern statelet exists so
long will there be instability, sectarianism, and hatred, capitalism
and exploitation. The futile attempts since 1998 to establish
political institutions based on Stormont have failed. They only mirror
the previous failures to establish some form of local government.
There is no widespread grassroots agitation in nationalist areas for
the return of a devolved administration in the North. People have seen
how the politicians were basically interested in feathering their own
nest.
Both of the states established after the partition of Ireland by
British imperialism have not been successful. For example during the
first fifty years of both states millions emigrated because their
living conditions were abject poverty and soul-destroying drudgery.
While the middle classes knelt and prayed in their churches on one day
a week the other six days they were exploiting their workers and
engaging in total hypocrisy. The two states were confessional states
for if people believe their creed or nationality is more important
than their class then capitalism and imperialism can continue to
exploit the workers.
Unionist domination, bigotry, discrimination and sectarianism have
been and are the key distinguishing features of the northern state.
Cronyism, corruption, handouts to the rich and a gombeen mentality
have been hallmarks of the Free State and its ruling class. In essence
both police forces were distinguished for their ability to brutalise,
to bully, to lie, to cover up and to repress working class
communities. No wonder many working class communities despise the
police force, whether it is called the Garda or RUC/PSNI. They are
still instruments of state repression.
Over the nearly thirty-one years the Irish Republican Socialist
Movement has existed, members of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
and the Irish National Liberation Army have been imprisoned by the
British imperialist state and its Free State allies for their role in
the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland. Our
class analysis has remained the backbone of republican socialist
politics through the years of struggle, both armed and unarmed, for a
socialist republic. It will continue to do so as we determine the best
way forward for our class, our cause and our struggle. We do not ever
forget the suffering of the families and loved ones of our fallen
comrades have endured, indeed still endure in the uncertain political
climate of today. That is why the work many of our comrades are doing
in Teach Na Failte is so important for it allows us to remember,
honour and work with our volunteers who endured the jails of the
oppressor.
On the 1st of March 1981 began a hunger strike in which 10
republicans,, including three of our comrades, died. That hunger
strike changed the face of Irish politics and in particular the nature
of the engagement between Ireland and Britain. But sometimes what was
gained is sometimes lost. Or in the case of the gains won by that
hunger strike bargained away. So can I on behalf of our movement
condemn the giving away of the gains that the 10 dead hungers
sacrificed their lives for – political status. Those gains were
bargained away as part of the Good Friday Agreement. That was a
shameful bargain.
I also want to express our solidarity with republican prisoners in the
jails of the North regardless of what organisations they belong to. We
recognise them as genuine anti-imperialist fighters regardless of our
differences on strategy. And of course we send our greetings to our
comrades still in jail, especially Comrade Dessie O'Hare, a victim of
the vindictive Free State ruling class.
With the changing international situation and the collapse of the
Soviet bloc, tactics had to change. Comrades, our movement is
inflexible on the issue of principles but exerts the maximum
flexibility on tactics. Today's tactics demand a total commitment to
politicisation and the fullest implementation of the principles
espoused by the famous Ta Power Document. But we do not fool ourselves
by claiming we are on the road to the Republic. No, the Good Friday
Agreement has put up an enormous blockage to that road and we need to
recognise the seriousness of the defeat that republicanism has
suffered. But while we have suffered a set back in Ireland we can look
with satisfaction at the growing worldwide support for socialist
ideas.
We in Ireland know full well what it means to be part of a community
oppressed by colonialism and imperialism, and we stand in solidarity
with all peoples struggling against such oppression. Although in
response to the wishes of the Irish people the INLA called a
cease-fire, the Republican Socialist Movement rejected and still today
rejects not only the Good Friday Agreement but also the pacification
process that runs parallel with the Good Friday Agreement. Whilst
believing in national self-determination for the Irish people our
movement has never deserted the internationalism that is central to
republicanism in favour of a narrow nationalism. All of you here today
and all who are part of our movement need to be aware of the
international struggles of the working class taking place around the
world. Our movement is part of a wider world-wide struggle for freedom
and socialism.
As part of our internationalism, two comrades recently were in the
Basque country on a speaking tour and expressing our complete
solidarity with the Basque prisoners and condemning the efforts by the
Spanish state to isolate the prisoners from each other and their
families by jailing them many miles from their homeland. Another of
our comrades went to Venezuela to see a revolutionary process underway
and work with the working classes in their struggle to build a
socialist society. This weekend a number of our ex-prisoners have gone
with an international work brigade to Cuba to show solidarity with the
revolutionary process there. Also this weekend the son of hunger
striker Michael Devine and an ex-prisoner are in Istanbul attending a
conference on the isolation of political prisoners' worldwide.
That is a concrete way to express our internationalism and our
solidarity with the victims of imperialism. That, we believe, is our
duty as socialists. We believe you cannot condemn what imperialism is
doing around the world without at the same time identifying with the
victims of imperialism. And let there be no doubt that political
prisoners are victims of imperialism no matter what so-called crimes
the allies of imperialism say they have committed. It is not for us to
condemn those who resist imperialism. That would be gross treachery to
the concepts we hold dear.
We have no time for those who from afar condemn those who practice
resistance. These so-called socialists and Marxists are only playing
with the notion of revolution. Therefore we say to any young person
who might be attracted to the politics of sects like the Socialist
Workers Party and the Socialist Party, before joining them ask them
about anti-imperialism. They may call for Brits out of Iraq but are
silent on Brits out of Ireland. They play at revolution for a few
years before moving on.
Comrades, we don't play. Our hunger strikers did not play at
revolution. Our dead volunteers and comrades did not play at
revolution. They lived and died in revolutionary struggle. Comrades
and friends, you cannot be a committed Marxist or socialist and not be
a committed anti-imperialist. So to those young people we say join a
real working class party - a socialist party – an anti-imperialist
party - based on the needs interests and concerns of the working class
- the IRSP.
So, comrades, as you leave this place determine and decide that over
the next 12 months you will play a full part in the struggles ahead
what ever those struggles are. And remember always to stand proud as a
republican socialist, an anti–imperialist, a class-conscious
revolutionary. Forward to the Socialist Republic!!!
*******
COMMEMORATION OF MIRIAM DALY
[The following speech was delivered on the 25th anniversary of the
death of Miriam Daly, at her graveside, Swords, County Dublin, 25th
June 2005.
The address was given by James Daly, husband of Miriam. This speech
should give republicans much to think on as it cuts through all the
fog that surrounds the so-called peace process to go to the heart of
the matter.]
At commemorations like this in earlier years, while the struggle
continued, we could think in terms of the nobility of the cause
transcending the horror of Miriam's death, and I could quote James
Connolly's last message to his wife, "Hasn't it been a good life,
Lily, and isn't this a good end?" But lately the cause for which she
was tragically martyred has slithered down into slapstick comedy,
farce and low buffoonery. Trimble with impunity calls Republicans
dogs and pigs. War criminal Blair backs Paisley's theocratic demand
that since Republicans have sinned in public they must repent in
public. That from an alumnus of Bob Jones University, whose
president's wife, Mrs Bob Jones III, asked for her opinion on
something, stated "Good book says wife don't have opinion, husband
head of household have opinions".
But this is not a case of harmless mud wrestling -- entertaining,
colourful folklore. Murderous buffoons are not confined to the six
counties. George W. Bush launched his first presidential campaign
from Bob Jones University. And in the six counties, to use an animal
metaphor which doesn't degrade the user, the fox has been put in
charge of the chicken coop. Paisley, the master of destruction, the
organiser of chaos, has got rid one by one of every previous leader
of unionism, O'Neill, Chichester-Clarke, Faulkner, Molyneux and
Trimble. His next target is the Parades Commission. When UDA banners
are forced by the PSNI/RUC through Catholic areas like Ardoyne, murder
is not far behind. Under that threat, the parades commission, if it
still exists by then, could well allow the Orange Order to march down
Garvaghy Road next year.
This year, on the 25th anniversary of Miriam's death I feel there is
at least one thing I can do, and that is to restate an important
message she never tired of repeating. It was: to beware of and shun
so-called "conflict resolution", the alleged academic discipline
which is in fact an imperialist confidence trick.
The conflict resolution agenda requires the obliteration of the
obvious truth about the nature of the struggle. This has been
distorted to such an extent that the inheritors of the 1912
loyalists' successful threat of civil war in Britain, which was
supported by British imperialist finance capitalism, the inheritors of
the Curragh mutiny, and of the running of the Larne guns -- never
decommissioned -- by all of which the six county territory was
secured, are universally, and without argument from Sinn Fein,
accepted as the arbiters of when a decontaminated Sinn Fein can be
judged to have become "democratic". On John Hume's side of the
conflict the dispute is said *not* to be about territory but about
minds and hearts. There is no such illusion on the other side. The
issue of territory has been won and ceded in advance.
Some republican publications which are ostensibly in opposition to
Sinn Fein show that they are in fact following a similar politics
when they invite unionists to use their pages to exhort the IRA to
decommission, and when they say that there is nothing wrong with the
Orange Order as long as its marches are within "its own" areas.
The Irish people were victims ground down in the end by many years
not only of the relentless use in the foreground of the stick of
repression, but also of the indefatigable use in the background of
the carrot of conflict resolution. The fact that the conflict
resolution approach was involved is emerging into the daylight now. It
resulted in the majority of the Irish people's being not only coerced
but also tricked into voting yes in a referendum giving up for nothing
the principle of national liberation which had been enshrined in
articles 2 and 3 of the southern constitution, and into capitulating
to John Hume's politics.
Miriam had total clarity about the imperialist use of conflict
resolution in Ireland. I will try to briefly restate her message
here -- in my opinion, that specific part of her anti-imperialist
message which brought about her death.
Unlike the aims of conflict resolution, Miriam's aim was the Irish
Republican Socialist one embodied in the demands drafted by Seamus
Costello for the Broad Front document and agreed at the IRSP's first
conference. They included:
Number 6. That the Irish anti-imperialist front rejects a federal
solution and the continued existence of two separate states in the
six and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to
sovereignty and recognises the only alternative as being the creation
of a 32 County Democratic Republic with a secular constitution.
Number 7. That the Irish anti-imperialist front demands the convening
of an all Ireland constitutional conference representative of all
shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing
a Democratic and secular constitution which would become effective
immediately following a total British military and political
withdrawal from Ireland.
Seamus always stressed the presence here of two points of principle:
first that the British would be excluded from such a constitutional
conference; and second that the British must actually withdraw;
perfidious Albion must not merely state an intention to withdraw, as
they did in the declaration which John Hume later obtained -- with
the rider of course that they would stay as long as the unionists
wanted them to; which is till kingdom come. His rejection of the two
state or federal "solution" went with his rejection of that (Belfast)
ring-road socialism which was always acceptable to practitioners of
conflict resolution.
Miriam became aware as early as 1972 of what she called a plague of
locusts, of people -- often on first name terms with British and
American ministers and officials -- who appeared variously as
academics, social workers, journalists etc. They were all equally
anxious to divert the Irish national liberation struggle away from
anti-imperialist national and class analysis, and from political
demands on an all Ireland basis, and to redirect it into the
management of what was described, to Miriam's fury, as an ethnic
struggle in the six counties between Irish Catholic nationalists and
British Protestant unionists.
Unlike Seamus Costello's projected constitutional conference,
conflict resolution meetings must necessarily be chaired by
representatives of the imperialists in the guise of honest brokers.
But they cannot allow any consideration of history or of colonialism.
They insist on formal neutrality (though of course there cannot be
real neutrality) not only from the chair but from the participants,
and they do not allow discussion of anything in terms of moral
categories such as justice or oppression. Republicans must put
themselves on a par with loyalist rapists and sexual mutilators, and
those who throw urine over eight-year-old girls trying to go to
school.
The aim of conflict resolution is not justice but the ending of
"disturbance of the peace" in the form of resistance to the status
quo. Its method is cynical bargaining in relation to relative
strengths and threats. Since it is accepted that the conflict is
within the six counties, the alternative to submission by the
nationalists would clearly be, on the part of the unionists who are
stronger and more ruthless, a violence unlimited to the point of
psychosis -- a violence like that of the Israelis against the
Palestinians, as the Israeli flags flying in loyalist areas make
abundantly clear. Therefore the British must remain to placate the
unionists and thus protect the nationalists.
Here today we remember Seamus's and Miriam's heroic attempt to
prevent that outcome, and we face the tasks left to us by those who
did not take their road.
*******
LETTERS
*
Comrades,
Little or nothing appears in the media here, progressive or otherwise
about the situation in Kashmir. Partitioned, and its future dictated
by India and Pakistan, the spoils of war. The US want to impose a
"Northern Ireland strategy" and exclude the aspirations of the
Kashmiri people. Whether we would support the objectives of the Hizbul
Mujahideen or not, we have a responsibility to ensure the voice of
resistance to colonial rule whether in Ireland or Kashmir will not be
silenced....
Mike
Subject: Greater Kashmir, June 21, 2005
Hizb says armed struggle to continue
Truce if conditions are met; To consider self-rule if it means
withdrawal of troops
Muzaffarabad, June 20: Hizbul Mujahideen supreme commander Syed
Salahuddin on Monday ruled out ceasefire in Kashmir due to what he
said stubbornness of Indian government and instead called upon the
Kashmiri youth to reinforce the armed struggle.
"The need of an organised and massive armed struggle has increased
today more than ever and the Kashmiri youth need to prepare themselves
for the fighting in maximum number" he said in an exclusive telephonic
interview with this correspondent.
Hizbul Mujahideen, the largest fighter group, had struck a "unilateral
ceasefire" five years ago but withdrew it within two weeks.
So far India is constantly showing stubbornness and seems to be
completely unwilling to accept the ground realities, which leave us
with no option, but to strengthen the Jihad, Salahuddin said.
He rejected internal autonomy as a possible solution to the long
running dispute, saying Kashmiris had not sacrificed nearly 100,000
lives in the past 16 years for any internal autonomy.
But, he said, the option of self-rule could be given a serious
consideration if it means complete withdrawal of Indian troops from
the occupied territory.
Salahuddin also dismissed the ongoing dialogue process between India
and Pakistan as waste of time.
Unless India adopts a realistic approach the dialogue in the present
situation is nothing but waste of time, he said, but hastened to lend
his support to a purposeful dialogue. We have never been against the
dialogue. Rather we support it, but only when it is directed at
determining the future status of disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir
in accordance with the wishes of its people. We are not fond of
shedding blood. We know this (armed) struggle does cause some trouble
to the people of our homeland. But we are bound to continue it, as we
don't see any sign of hope from Indian side. We don't see any
signal of sincerity and seriousness from them. Salahuddin said their
conditions for a ceasefire in Kashmir were very clear.
First of all India should accept the whole of Kashmir as a disputed
territory with a pledge to resolve it in line with the wishes and
aspirations of the Kashmiris. And then it should reduce the number of
its troops in Kashmir to pre-1989 position, release all the Kashmiri
prisoners and stop human rights violations, he said.
In the absence of these steps, no one should expect we would
unilaterally lay down our weapons, he declared.
He said it was India's strategy to end the armed struggle, which was
the only worry for it.
And I tell you once the armed struggle comes to end, India will never
hold a purposeful dialogue.
Salahuddin also confirmed he had recently held brief individual
meetings with some of the separatist leaders.
He was referring to a nine member delegation of separatist leaders,
seven of them from Mirwaiz Umar Farooq led faction of All Parties
Hurriyat Conference (APHC), which visited Pakistan and its
administered part of Kashmir for two weeks on a trip, seen as part of
a peace process between Islamabad and New Delhi to end the bitter
dispute over the Himalayan region.
I also made it clear to those who met me that the armed struggle will
continue until there are signs of success of the freedom movement,
Salahuddin said.
While the separatist leaders were in Pakistan, Salahuddin criticised
them for presenting assorted options on Kashmir.
To a question on the suggestion of triangular talks he said:
India is not ready to change its false stand but ironically majority
of our political leadership is constantly retreating. India is taking
Kashmir as its internal problem and not an international issue.
Instead of taking a bold stand, that political leadership is giving
colours to India’s stance.
Salahuddin said he had also told the visitors that the friction in the
ranks of political leadership was jeopardizing the outcome of the
sacrifices offered by the Kashmiris.
There is strong need of unity among the recognised, reliable and
sincere leadership on the basis of principle of right to
self-determination, he said.
But when asked whom he meant by recognised, reliable and sincere
leadership he said: People of Kashmir know who is that leadership.
But it was obvious that Salahuddin was referring to Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, chairman of his faction of APHC. Hizb has always thrown its
weight behind Geelani regarding him as the most genuine Kashmiri
leader. Geelani was also invited to Pakistan but he declined the
invitation, angry at what he sees as Pakistan's offering too many
concessions to India without anything in return.
Salahuddin also criticized the international community and some
international non-governmental organizations for ignoring the root
cause of the Kashmir problem.
They talk about peace and end of violence, but none looks why this
peace has been disturbed and what is the root cause of the problem.
This is very unfortunate.
The guerrilla leader also made it clear that any solution ignoring the
freedom-seeking people of Jammu region would not be acceptable to
them.
from
Fazal H. Dar
Department of Economics
University of Regina
REGINA, Saskatchewan
Canada S4S 0A2
Tel. (306)585-4074
*
Comrades,
A delegation of Irish politicians recently visited Palestine and were
horrified at what they saw there. Green Party TD John Gormley
declared: "What we witnessed on our trip this weekend is worse than
the apartheid regime in South Africa." Of course they saw little signs
of the Israeli "disengagement" we hear so much about in the media.
These politicians will hold a public meeting in Dublin this coming
Wednesday to tell people about their experiences. Please come and
learn the truth about life still very much under occupation.
SPEAKERS:
John Gormley TD (Green Party)
Senator Terry Leyden (FF),
Senator John Paul Phelan (FG)
Aengus O Snodaigh TD (Sinn Féin).
WHERE: Buswell's Hotel, Molesworth Street (off Kildare
St.)
WHEN: Wednesday 29th of June at 7.30pm
Local community activists and the IPSC are helping to organise a
Sponsored Maracycle from Belfast to Dublin for the registered charity
Palestine's Child. A sub-committee is being set up to plan sponsorship
and other aspects of the event.
If you are interested in taking part in the maracycle please let me
know.
If interested in helping to plan it please join us in the Culturlann,
Falls Road, Belfast, at 5.30pm Thursday 30th June. The aim is to hold
the event sometime in September (date to be decided). We are hoping
that local community groups, NGOs and businesses will help with
sponsorship.
A leafleting operation will take place in Belfast on Thursday 7th July
at 5.00pm-6.00pm. This is to commemorate the anniversay of the
International court at the Hague's opinion last year (7th July) that
the Israeli Apartheid Wall is illegal under international law and
should be torn down and compensation paid to Palestinians affected by
it. Needless to say Israel has ignored this and the International
community has done nothing to make it heed the Court. The leafleting
is to remind the public of the illegality of the Israeli Occupation
and the continuing violations of international law - despite what the
media would have them believe.
Meet Castle Street/King Street junction, leafleting
Belfast city Centre 5.00 pm - 6.00pm. All welcome.
Féilim-Irish Palestinian Solidarity Campaign
*
Life of James Connolly, Socialist and Union Organiser, to be filmed
Launch of new project by the James Connolly Foundation for Educational
Equality.
The James Connolly Foundation for Educational Equality was officially
launched by The Lord Mayor of Dublin in December 2004. The Foundation
was established to facilitate the production of a new major feature
film called 'Connolly'. An international release is planned for May
2006 to commemorate his life on the 90th anniversary of his death.
'Connolly' is being produced by Rascal Films, a newly formed Dublin
based Production Company and already it has attracted a very
high-quality director, cast, crew and film editor. Adrian Dunbar, star
of stage and screen, associated with The Shaughran, The General, The
Crying Game and Hear My Song, will launch his film directorial career
on Connolly. We are also delighted to announce that the Glaswegian
Peter Mullan, who starred in such hits as Trainspotting and My Name Is
Joe, and fresh from his huge international success with The Magdalene
Sisters, will play the part of James Connolly. Patrick Duffner, of My
Left Foot and Michael Collins fame, has agreed to edit Connolly. The
cinematography, art and design teams will be of the highest calibre in
the industry.
The estimated budget for the film is in the region of 16 million
euros. Rascal Films and the Trustees of The James Connolly Foundation
for Educational Equality recently met with the Executive Council of
the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, and the project of bringing
Connolly's life, vision and idealism to the screen won unanimous
support. The film project has since received the full endorsement of
the ICTU leadership and statements of support have been received from
many other union leaders. Active support groups for the film are now
being established within the British labour and trade union movement.
This support allows the film become the people's film and will
re-awaken an interest in the values of solidarity, equality and
justice in the workplace, all of which are still so pertinent to
trade-union members today. James Connolly's active role in the
formation of the Scottish and American Trade Union Movements and the
spread of the Irish Diaspora enhance the international appeal of the
film.
The thrust of the film is to look at James Connolly, the family man
behind the revolutionary. The film looks at his life through the eyes
of his daughter Nora and wife Lillie and it explores Connolly's
feminism, a factor that attracted so many women to the cause of
labour.
The Connolly film that we want to make cannot realistically be made
without the support of the Trade Union Membership in Ireland, in
Britain and in the United States. The Foundation is being promoted in
London, Liverpool, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Belfast, New York and Troy and
other cities associated with Connolly's life and work. We would also
ask you to involve your full membership by requesting their direct
support in supporting the film production. The Foundation has set a
minimum target of achieving 12.5% of the overall budget.
We are asking national trade unions to become associates or patrons of
the James Connolly Foundation by making a donation. Details of how to
make donations are attached. Smaller donations may also be made by
union branches, stewards' committees, or individuals.
Any profits resulting from the film will be dedicated to the
Foundation's educational work in Ireland and internationally.
Rascal Films and the Trustees of the Foundation would be delighted to
meet with you to discuss the project or to make a presentation to your
Executive Committee. We enclose a Connolly brochure for your perusal
and look forward to hearing from you soon.
Rascal Films: Tom Stokes and Frank Allen.
'A new film about the life and times of James Connolly, seen through
the eyes of his daughter Nora, offers the prospect of restating the
values and aspirations of the labour movement in a manner both
understandable and accessible to the younger generation.' - Dave Begg,
General Secretary of The Irish Congress of Trade Unions.
*******
WHAT'S ON
*
Every Wednesday 1pm to 2 pm
Lunchtime political discussion on the issues of the day in 392 Falls
Road, Belfast. Telephone 028-9032-1024. Wednesday June 29th - Loyal
Order Parades - What Should be the Republican Socialist Response?
Comrades and friends welcome
*
Camp Havana Glencolmcille
From Friday 16th to Sunday 18th September 2005 over 100 men, women and
children from every corner of this island - and indeed from much
further away - will gather in Glencolmcille / Donegal. They will
come in busses, by car, bicycle or on foot.
They will erect CAMP HAVANA and walk to the top of Slieve League.
Some will take the challenging hike across the whole ridge,
accompanied by a trained mountain guide. Some will use a more relaxed
walking route and some will only go as far as the bus can take them.
All of them will enjoy Europe's highest sea - cliffs which are
surrounded by scenery incomparable to anywhere else on this earth.
Of course we are not just gathering to admire spectacular scenery. We
will get together in what is going to be the biggest show of
friendship with people from another island, Cuba, ever to happen on
these shores.
We are making this effort mainly because five young men are serving
lengthy prison sentences in the USA, guilty of nothing but the attempt
to stop terrorism; murderous and destructive acts which have killed
over 3,500 civilians in Cuba - more than the troubles in Northern
Ireland.
These men went to Miami to try and stop the people who orchestrate
this terrorism and ended up in US prisons. They have spent months in
isolation cells; their wives, kids and relations have been denied
visits.
The Miami 5 are victims of one of the most brutal human rights
violations in recent history, victims of breaches of both
international and US law.
We want freedom for these innocent men!
With our sponsored mountain walk and the large meeting / concert on
the evening of Saturday September 17th we will achieve;
- Massive publicity and increased awareness about the case.
- Pressure on political representatives (TDs, MPs, MEPs) to act
as opposed to talk.
- Raising of much needed financial support for the campaign and for
another urgent aid project in Cuba
- Pushing forward the world-wide campaign to free the Miami 5
and strengthen the links between campaigners from various countries
(At this very early stage we already know that there will be people
from England, the USA, Austria, Germany and Denmark coming to show
their support).
We can and we will free the Miami 5!
Nobody in this world is going to do it for us!
Lend us your support!
Join Camp Havana Glencolmcille 2005!
Get in touch with us now!
On behalf of the organisers of Camp Havana
Yours fraternally
Hermann Glaser-Baur
Phone us at: 028 77742655 (from Republic of Ireland: 04877742655)
E-mail: yohoocamphavanaglen@yahoo.ie
*
*******
Please feel free to comment on the contents of The Plough. We welcome
political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive The Plough as an attachment please
e-mail with heading "add attachment".
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive The Plough please
send his or her e-mail address to johnmartinps@eircom.net.
If you wish to receive back copies of the The Plough please e-mail
to johnmartinps@eircom.net stating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to The Plough please send e-mail
entitled "unsubscribe" to johnmartinps@eircom.net.
It is the policy of The Plough to acknowledge information and
articles from other sources.
Subscribe to the bi-monthly
"The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta"
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
Email: starry_plough@hotmail.com
Website: http://www.irsm.org/irsp/starryplough/
Fighting Fund/Donations
To: The Starry Plough
First Trust Bank, Derry, BT48 6BU
Account No. 14986015 Sort Code No. 93-86-10
http://www.irsm.org/irsm.html (Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na
h-Éireann)
http://www.wageslave.org/jcs/ (James Connolly Society)
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/ (James Connolly Archive)
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - A website that offers a
central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a
distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this
effort go towards the IRSM and its various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/
*
Support the IRSP
Standing Order Form
To the Manager First Trust Bank, Andersonstown.
Please pay First Trust Bank Andersonstown Branch, Belfast, and credit
to Irish Republican Socialist Party, A/C Number 70490021, Branch Code
93-84-75
The sum of:
Amount in words:
Commencing date: and thereafter every month till further notice.
And debiting A/C number:
Name (Please print clearly):
Date:
Address:
Signature:
Monday 27 June 2005
Saturday 25 June 2005
The Plough Vol 01 No 41
The Plough
Volume 2, Number 41
25 June 2005
E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Annual IRSM Wolfe Tone Commemoration
2) What is Irish Republicanism?
3) Aspects of Racism in Ireland
4) What's On
*******
ANNUAL IRSM WOLFE TONE COMMEMORATION
Annual IRSM Wolfe Tone Commemoration will take place at 2pm on Sunday
26th of June in Bodenstown, Sallins, Co. Kildare. Republican Socialist
bands will be in attendance. All welcome. Contact
DublinIRSP@hotmail.com for further details.
*******
WHAT IS IRISH REPUBLICANISM?
Liam O'Ruairc argues that the republican socialist tradition provides
the basis for the working class struggle in Ireland.
In a recent edition of the Weekly Worker, Philip Ferguson wrote:
"In Ireland, the revolutionary tradition, like it or not, is
republicanism - Marxists ignore that fact at their peril.
Republicanism is a product of the concrete political and economic
subjection of that country. This means that building a Marxist
movement in Ireland requires a positive engagement with that
tradition. A genuine Marxist movement in Ireland is inherently
republican, but not merely republican." (Letters, May 26)
This point is often misunderstood by the left, because they do not
understand republicanism, the nature of its relations with socialism,
and have problems understanding a concept like 'republican socialism'.
Republican or nationalist?
In the previous articles it was pointed out that what distinguished
Irish republicanism from Irish nationalism or constitutional
nationalism was its rejection of the unionist veto, whereas for
nationalism unity is subject to that veto. If this is what
differentiates them on the national question today, there are deeper
qualitative differences between the two. What fundamentally
distinguishes Irish republicanism from Irish nationalism is that it is
not simply about desiring independence from Britain, but that it is
intrinsically connected to establishing democracy in Ireland.
The national question is part of what Marx and Engels later called the
process of "winning the battle for democracy". The question of
national independence is part of the more general question of national
democracy. It is the democratic element within Irish republicanism
that distinguishes it from nationalism.
The founders of Irish republicanism were Wolfe Tone and the United
Irishmen. It is to them that present day republicans trace their roots
- every June republicans organise an annual pilgrimage to Tone's grave
in Bodenstown. Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen were inspired by the
ideals of the enlightenment and the French Revolution. In that sense,
republicanism is not even Irish. Their separatist project of breaking
the connection with Britain and establishing an independent Irish
republic, ruled by the people for the people, was motivated not by
Anglophobia, but by the necessity of breaking with the monarchy and
aristocracy in order to establish democracy and the rights of man in
Ireland.
Far from being 'nationalist', their outlook was in fact profoundly
internationalist. It was more about 1789 Paris than the Brehon laws.
Its language was not that of national particularism but universal
rights. 'Breaking the connection' separatism is about breaking with
colonialism and imperialism. It is thus not surprising that from the
United Irishmen onwards, republicans have always expressed solidarity
with other colonised nations.
Their republicanism is also profoundly inclusive, substituting the
common name of Irish man and woman to the Catholic, Protestant and
Dissenter denominations. The republican concept of Irish nationality
is inclusive of all the people on the island, irrespective of their
race, gender, language, class or creed. Irish nationality is not
restricted to those blood descendents of the old Gaelic clans.
This aspect of republicanism is very relevant today, when one thinks
about the recent nationality referendum in the south and the upsurge
of racism. Irish republicanism is secular and non-sectarian. It
advocates the full separation of state and church, religion and
politics. Far from being identified with Catholicism, there was a
certain amount of anti-clericalism within Irish republicanism. No
wonder that the Catholic Church was hostile to the United Irishmen and
the French Revolution.
Irish republicanism is egalitarian. It always had an interest in
social and economic justice and equality. That aspect was
substantially developed by subsequent generations of republicans.
Finally it is popular rather than elitist in nature. Its base has
always been "the men of no property", as Tone called them. It has been
a movement of the people, of the lower orders, and has reflected their
aspirations and interests. These are the core values and most dynamic
elements of Irish republicanism.
Republican or socialist?
Some will object by saying that maybe during the period of bourgeois
revolution all the above was relevant; but that in the age of death
agony of capitalism and proletarian social revolution republicanism is
fundamentally outdated: what is needed is 'pure' socialism. Others
will object that republicanism is not a safe vehicle for social
revolution, as it has given rise to some conservative tendencies.
Additionally, critics could point that apart from the ambivalent and
negative features that republicanism has historically given rise to,
the people in the south of Ireland already have a republic, so the
relevancy of republicanism is more than questionable. So why be a
'republican' or a 'republican socialist' and not just a socialist' or
a democrat'? Why is republicanism still relevant?
The first reason is that Irish republicanism is not yet a dead dog
that can be ignored or passed over. Criticisms of Irish republicanism
must be weighted against its historical role and emancipatory core. It
played a significant historical role, and is still a major element in
Irish political life today - a lot to do with the unresolved national
question. It is impossible to build a left current that either ignores
or remains outside republicanism. To ignore it would be ignoring the
experience of history and a major political force today.
The second reason is there is a democratic content within
republicanism that has not yet exhausted itself. The fact that there
exists within Irish republicanism a conservative as well as a radical
element, and that there is a militarist and elitist tendency as well
as a democratic and popular one, should of course not be passed over.
What is essential is that there is within republicanism a potential
for radical development. The task ahead is to develop that radical
potential. The point is not to break with, or to abstractly negate,
Irish republicanism because of its defects, but to redirect, to
improve Irish republicanism.
So what is that democratic and radical content? Since Wolfe Tone and
the United Irishmen, the qualitative developments within Irish
republicanism that have been of lasting value have been those that
emphasised and developed its egalitarian and popular aspects, those
who stressed not just the democratic but also the social content of
republicanism. This has sometimes been called 'left republicanism', or
'social republicanism'. For this current, the national question and
the social question are inseparable, and national liberation is
meaningless unless it also means the liberation of the 'men of no
property'.
James Fintan Lalor was the first to connect the national to a social
revolution, and base the struggle for independence on the land
question. What Ireland needed was complete independence and the
ownership of the soil by the entire people and not just a small class
of landlords. Independence alone is not sufficient unless it is
followed by radical social changes - the abolition of landlordism.
In Pearse's final pamphlet "The Sovereign People" he discussed his
feelings about the role the "sovereign people" play in determining
matters involving private property. At one point he plainly said: "I
do not disallow the right to private property; but I insist that all
property is held subject to the national sanction."
Often social republicanism expressed itself in a confused populism.
However, its most fully developed expression is to be found in the
theoretical contribution of James Connolly (though his work falls more
into the category of scientific socialism). Connolly's fundamental
teaching is that the struggle for national liberation is not opposed
to the struggle for socialism, but an integral and necessary part of
it. This is why "The cause of labour is the cause of Ireland; the
cause of Ireland is the cause of labour. They cannot be dissevered."
On the basis of a concrete analysis of social forces in Ireland,
Connolly concluded that "only the Irish working class remain as the
incorruptible inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland". The
genuine motor of the national liberation struggle is the working
class. All the other social classes will capitulate and sell out at
some stage because they are not prepared to risk their wealth and
power: "Ireland cannot rise to freedom except upon the shoulders of
the working class knowing its rights and daring to take them."
Republican socialism
The roots of republican socialism, the current of thought which
follows the teachings of James Connolly, are in 'social
republicanism', which sought to radicalise its democratic, egalitarian
and popular aspects. But it is more than that. It is part of the
socialist tradition. How does it differ from republicanism in general?
The first specificity is the class orientation. Although, as we have
seen, republicanism has a 'popular' orientation, it does not
explicitly and specifically represents the interests of the working
class. While republicanism is progressive and democratic, it only
speaks of 'the people' or 'the Irish people', not the Irish working
class. Illustrative of this is Padraig Pearse's statement that "the
nation is more important than any part of the nation".
Republican socialism differs from this in so far as it is a movement
of the working class for the re-organisation of society in the
interests of the working class. Republican socialism is based on
Connolly's teaching that "Only the Irish working class remain as the
incorruptible inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland."
The second difference is that of ultimate goal. Republican socialism
aims to establish the workers' republic, not simply the republic.
Republicanism at best stands for a socially egalitarian republic,
while republican socialism aims to establish the socialist republic as
a transitional stage, in which the working class begins to lay the
foundations for a truly liberated society and abolish classes. Only
when the working class takes power, as a class, will the socialist
republic be established.
The aim of republicanism is not for the working class to take power as
a class. For example, on January 21 1919, Dail Eireann, the parliament
of the provisional Irish republic, met for the first time and
discussed three documents. The first was a declaration of
independence, and the second, a request to the nations of the world to
recognise the Irish republic and allow it to be represented at the
peace conference. The third declaration was the Democratic Programme
of Dail Eireann, written by Johnson and O'Brien as a reward for
Labour candidates standing down in the election.
The original draft had contained sentences such as "The republic will
aim at the elimination of the class in society which lives upon the
wealth produced by the workers of the nation but gives no useful
service in return."
IRB leaders opposed this original draft, and Michael Collins declared
that he would suppress the Democratic Programme. However, despite
Collins's objections, the document could not be completely discarded
as the members of the Dáil refused to go on without a democratic
programme.
As a result the draft was handed over to O'Kelly who expurgated much
of the socialist rhetoric and produced what was finally put before the
Dáil. His draft removed a line from Pearse that read: "No private
right to property is good against the public right of the nation",
as well as Johnson's sentence: "It shall be the purpose of the
government to encourage the organisation of the people into trade
unions and cooperative societies, with a view to the control and
administration of the industries by the workers engaged in the
industries."
Thirdly, republican socialist ideology draws its inspiration first and
foremost from the struggles and ideas of the working class in Ireland
and worldwide rather than simply the republican tradition. More
importantly, it is based on class struggle, its core part.
Republicanism is not part of the global working class movement. It may
be in sympathy with it, but it is not organically part of it. It does
not see itself as part of the class struggle. Illustrative of this is
the attitudes of republicans during the 1913 lockout. Most
republicans, like Pearse or Thomas Clarke, were broadly sympathetic to
the strikers. However, the IRB as a body refused to back the strikers.
Class struggle would have been a divisive issue. It was left to
individual members whether or not they would support the strikers.
Republican socialism is not simply socialism. To call ourselves simply
'socialists' would imply that republican socialism has no organic
roots in republicanism. Its roots are in left republicanism, as
opposed to say Maoism, Trotskyism, social democracy or international
communism. This is not simply a genealogical or historical question.
It means that no serious revolutionary movement or process can be
built in Ireland outside or apart from the republican tradition. We
could characterise Irish republicanism in the same way Jurgen Habermas
characterised modernity: "an incomplete project". Irish republicanism
should not be abandoned - it can still be a vehicle for the
revolutionary transformation of society today.
Given the continued structural and social exclusion and alienation of
the nationalist working class and rural poor in the north, Kevin Bean
has argued that republicanism will continue to function as a
lightening conductor of both social and national-democratic
discontent. Likewise, the growing economic inequalities and social
exclusion of sections of both the urban and rural populations in the
south will be expressed by growing popular challenges to the
precarious success and inherently unstable hegemony of the Celtic
tiger. The point is to preserve and radicalise what is best in
republicanism; to complete - not abandon - the project.
IRSM
The task of republican socialists is to provide political leadership
to the economic, political and ideological struggle of the people, not
tail-end them. In Ireland today, the Irish Republican Socialist
Movement seeks not simply to participate in various struggle, but to
lead them actively. The creation of a strong political leadership is
essential for success. The IRSM is currently working to develop the
correct programme, strategy and tactics that will lead the working
class to power. It is also actively engaged in the economic, political
and military organisation of the class.
The Irish Republican Socialist Movement has a lot of credibility as a
revolutionary organisation. Its membership and support is almost
entirely based within the working class. Many of its members have been
killed or served long sentences in prison for their part in the
struggle. The fact that they have been ready to pay the ultimate price
shows that they are genuine professional revolutionaries. How many
organisations left of the political spectrum could claim that? Some
left groups may well dismiss the movement; but the state has
recognised it as a significant threat. This is why it has been engaged
in the deliberate murder of republican socialist militants; not least
because the organisation had put the question of armed confrontation
with the state on the agenda.
The Irish Republican Socialist Movement is thus well placed and has
the necessary credibility to renew the republican and socialist
projects in Ireland, and ensure that the cause of Ireland and the
cause of Labour remain organically tied.
[The arguments developed here owe a lot to discussions with (in no
particular order): Tommy McKearney, Anthony McIntyre, Gerry Ruddy,
Marian Price, Kevin Bean, Eddie McGarrigle, James Daly and Brendan
Holland. I wish to thank them all.]
*******
ASPECTS OF RACISM IN IRELAND
Every permanent halting site I for travellers in the north is full.
It is the responsibility of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive to
provide temporary halting sites so that travellers are not forced to
camp "illegally" and children have access to schools, GPs, running
water, electricity, sanitation etc.
When they were given this role in 1999 the NIHE said "As Northern
Ireland's comprehensive housing authority the Executive looks forward
with enthusiasm and confidence to taking on this new responsibility.
This is in line with the Executive's response to the consultation
document. The need for a co-ordinated approach is clear and the
recommendations will ensure that the housing needs of the travelling
community are effectively and sensitively met"
IN THE SIX YEARS SINCE THAT STATEMENT THEY HAVE PROVIDED THE GRAND
TOTAL OF 0 HALTING SITES.
Instead they have forced travellers to camp illegally in squalid
conditions without proper sanitation and then helped obtain orders
barring them from camping illegally and urinating in public places.
ANTI TRAVELLER RACISM IS DESTROYING LIVES
Poor health status:
The mortality rate for Traveller children up to the age of 10 has been
found to be 10 times that for the population as a whole. Overall the
life expectancy of Travellers is around 20% lower than the general
population. Only 10% of the Traveller population are over 40 years of
age and only 1% are aged over 65.
Poor living conditions
Travellers are eight times more likely to live in overcrowded
conditions in comparison with the general population in Northern
Ireland. Many still have extremely limited access to basic amenities
such as running water, electricity and sanitation, including some of
those living on serviced sites.
Long-term unemployment
Only 11% are in paid employment of one form or another, whilst 70% of
those who are economically active have had no paid work in the last
ten years.
Poor levels of educational attainment
The vast majority of Travellers have no formal qualifications (92%
have no GSCEs or their equivalent or higher). There are high levels of
non-attendance at secondary school, nonexistentattendance at tertiary
level and high levels of illiteracy.
*******
WHAT'S ON
*
Every Wednesday 1pm to 2 pm
Lunchtime political discussion on the issues of the day in 392 Falls
Road, Belfast. Telephone 028-9032-1024. Wednesday June 29th - Loyal
Order Parades - What Should be the Republican Socialist Response?
Comrades and friends welcome
*
Sunday, June 26th
Salthill Airshow, Sunday June 26th
Peace activists from Galway are organising a protest against the
inclusion of war machines in the Salthill Airshow.
The protest will start at 3PM this Sunday 26th, at the front of the
Seapoint building in Salthill.
Protest against the inclusion of war machines in the Salthill Airshow.
We welcome other anti-war activists to join us in this protest. Come
along and swell our ranks!
Please bring along any banners, anti-war handouts etc you may have.
For further info. contact Tommy Donnellon on 091587354 or email
tommyjoe@eircom.net.
*
Camp Havana Glencolmcille
From Friday 16th to Sunday 18th September 2005 over 100 men, women and
children from every corner of this island - and indeed from much
further away - will gather in Glencolmcille / Donegal. They will
come in busses, by car, bicycle or on foot.
They will erect CAMP HAVANA and walk to the top of Slieve League.
Some will take the challenging hike across the whole ridge,
accompanied by a trained mountain guide. Some will use a more relaxed
walking route and some will only go as far as the bus can take them.
All of them will enjoy Europe's highest sea - cliffs which are
surrounded by scenery incomparable to anywhere else on this earth.
Of course we are not just gathering to admire spectacular scenery. We
will get together in what is going to be the biggest show of
friendship with people from another island, Cuba, ever to happen on
these shores.
We are making this effort mainly because five young men are serving
lengthy prison sentences in the USA, guilty of nothing but the attempt
to stop terrorism; murderous and destructive acts which have killed
over 3,500 civilians in Cuba - more than the troubles in Northern
Ireland.
These men went to Miami to try and stop the people who orchestrate
this terrorism and ended up in US prisons. They have spent months in
isolation cells; their wives, kids and relations have been denied
visits.
The Miami 5 are victims of one of the most brutal human rights
violations in recent history, victims of breaches of both
international and US law.
We want freedom for these innocent men!
With our sponsored mountain walk and the large meeting / concert on
the evening of Saturday September 17th we will achieve;
- Massive publicity and increased awareness about the case.
- Pressure on political representatives (TDs, MPs, MEPs) to act
as opposed to talk.
- Raising of much needed financial support for the campaign and for
another urgent aid project in Cuba
- Pushing forward the world-wide campaign to free the Miami 5
and strengthen the links between campaigners from various countries
(At this very early stage we already know that there will be people
from England, the USA, Austria, Germany and Denmark coming to show
their support).
We can and we will free the Miami 5!
Nobody in this world is going to do it for us!
Lend us your support!
Join Camp Havana Glencolmcille 2005!
Get in touch with us now!
On behalf of the organisers of Camp Havana
Yours fraternally
Hermann Glaser-Baur
Phone us at: 028 77742655 (from Republic of Ireland: 04877742655)
E-mail: yohoocamphavanaglen@yahoo.ie
*
*******
Please feel free to comment on the contents of The Plough. We welcome
political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive The Plough as an attachment please
e-mail with heading "add attachment".
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive The Plough please
send his or her e-mail address to johnmartinps@eircom.net.
If you wish to receive back copies of the The Plough please e-mail
to johnmartinps@eircom.net stating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to The Plough please send e-mail
entitled "unsubscribe" to johnmartinps@eircom.net.
It is the policy of The Plough to acknowledge information and
articles from other sources.
Subscribe to the bi-monthly
"The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta"
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
Email: starry_plough@hotmail.com
Website: http://www.irsm.org/irsp/starryplough/
Fighting Fund/Donations
To: The Starry Plough
First Trust Bank, Derry, BT48 6BU
Account No. 14986015 Sort Code No. 93-86-10
http://www.irsm.org/irsm.html (Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na
h-Éireann)
http://www.wageslave.org/jcs/ (James Connolly Society)
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/ (James Connolly Archive)
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - A website that offers a
central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a
distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this
effort go towards the IRSM and its various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/
*
Support the IRSP
Standing Order Form
To the Manager First Trust Bank, Andersonstown.
Please pay First Trust Bank Andersonstown Branch, Belfast, and credit
to Irish Republican Socialist Party, A/C Number 70490021, Branch Code
93-84-75
The sum of:
Amount in words:
Commencing date: and thereafter every month till further notice.
And debiting A/C number:
Name (Please print clearly):
Date:
Address:
Signature:
Volume 2, Number 41
25 June 2005
E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Annual IRSM Wolfe Tone Commemoration
2) What is Irish Republicanism?
3) Aspects of Racism in Ireland
4) What's On
*******
ANNUAL IRSM WOLFE TONE COMMEMORATION
Annual IRSM Wolfe Tone Commemoration will take place at 2pm on Sunday
26th of June in Bodenstown, Sallins, Co. Kildare. Republican Socialist
bands will be in attendance. All welcome. Contact
DublinIRSP@hotmail.com for further details.
*******
WHAT IS IRISH REPUBLICANISM?
Liam O'Ruairc argues that the republican socialist tradition provides
the basis for the working class struggle in Ireland.
In a recent edition of the Weekly Worker, Philip Ferguson wrote:
"In Ireland, the revolutionary tradition, like it or not, is
republicanism - Marxists ignore that fact at their peril.
Republicanism is a product of the concrete political and economic
subjection of that country. This means that building a Marxist
movement in Ireland requires a positive engagement with that
tradition. A genuine Marxist movement in Ireland is inherently
republican, but not merely republican." (Letters, May 26)
This point is often misunderstood by the left, because they do not
understand republicanism, the nature of its relations with socialism,
and have problems understanding a concept like 'republican socialism'.
Republican or nationalist?
In the previous articles it was pointed out that what distinguished
Irish republicanism from Irish nationalism or constitutional
nationalism was its rejection of the unionist veto, whereas for
nationalism unity is subject to that veto. If this is what
differentiates them on the national question today, there are deeper
qualitative differences between the two. What fundamentally
distinguishes Irish republicanism from Irish nationalism is that it is
not simply about desiring independence from Britain, but that it is
intrinsically connected to establishing democracy in Ireland.
The national question is part of what Marx and Engels later called the
process of "winning the battle for democracy". The question of
national independence is part of the more general question of national
democracy. It is the democratic element within Irish republicanism
that distinguishes it from nationalism.
The founders of Irish republicanism were Wolfe Tone and the United
Irishmen. It is to them that present day republicans trace their roots
- every June republicans organise an annual pilgrimage to Tone's grave
in Bodenstown. Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen were inspired by the
ideals of the enlightenment and the French Revolution. In that sense,
republicanism is not even Irish. Their separatist project of breaking
the connection with Britain and establishing an independent Irish
republic, ruled by the people for the people, was motivated not by
Anglophobia, but by the necessity of breaking with the monarchy and
aristocracy in order to establish democracy and the rights of man in
Ireland.
Far from being 'nationalist', their outlook was in fact profoundly
internationalist. It was more about 1789 Paris than the Brehon laws.
Its language was not that of national particularism but universal
rights. 'Breaking the connection' separatism is about breaking with
colonialism and imperialism. It is thus not surprising that from the
United Irishmen onwards, republicans have always expressed solidarity
with other colonised nations.
Their republicanism is also profoundly inclusive, substituting the
common name of Irish man and woman to the Catholic, Protestant and
Dissenter denominations. The republican concept of Irish nationality
is inclusive of all the people on the island, irrespective of their
race, gender, language, class or creed. Irish nationality is not
restricted to those blood descendents of the old Gaelic clans.
This aspect of republicanism is very relevant today, when one thinks
about the recent nationality referendum in the south and the upsurge
of racism. Irish republicanism is secular and non-sectarian. It
advocates the full separation of state and church, religion and
politics. Far from being identified with Catholicism, there was a
certain amount of anti-clericalism within Irish republicanism. No
wonder that the Catholic Church was hostile to the United Irishmen and
the French Revolution.
Irish republicanism is egalitarian. It always had an interest in
social and economic justice and equality. That aspect was
substantially developed by subsequent generations of republicans.
Finally it is popular rather than elitist in nature. Its base has
always been "the men of no property", as Tone called them. It has been
a movement of the people, of the lower orders, and has reflected their
aspirations and interests. These are the core values and most dynamic
elements of Irish republicanism.
Republican or socialist?
Some will object by saying that maybe during the period of bourgeois
revolution all the above was relevant; but that in the age of death
agony of capitalism and proletarian social revolution republicanism is
fundamentally outdated: what is needed is 'pure' socialism. Others
will object that republicanism is not a safe vehicle for social
revolution, as it has given rise to some conservative tendencies.
Additionally, critics could point that apart from the ambivalent and
negative features that republicanism has historically given rise to,
the people in the south of Ireland already have a republic, so the
relevancy of republicanism is more than questionable. So why be a
'republican' or a 'republican socialist' and not just a socialist' or
a democrat'? Why is republicanism still relevant?
The first reason is that Irish republicanism is not yet a dead dog
that can be ignored or passed over. Criticisms of Irish republicanism
must be weighted against its historical role and emancipatory core. It
played a significant historical role, and is still a major element in
Irish political life today - a lot to do with the unresolved national
question. It is impossible to build a left current that either ignores
or remains outside republicanism. To ignore it would be ignoring the
experience of history and a major political force today.
The second reason is there is a democratic content within
republicanism that has not yet exhausted itself. The fact that there
exists within Irish republicanism a conservative as well as a radical
element, and that there is a militarist and elitist tendency as well
as a democratic and popular one, should of course not be passed over.
What is essential is that there is within republicanism a potential
for radical development. The task ahead is to develop that radical
potential. The point is not to break with, or to abstractly negate,
Irish republicanism because of its defects, but to redirect, to
improve Irish republicanism.
So what is that democratic and radical content? Since Wolfe Tone and
the United Irishmen, the qualitative developments within Irish
republicanism that have been of lasting value have been those that
emphasised and developed its egalitarian and popular aspects, those
who stressed not just the democratic but also the social content of
republicanism. This has sometimes been called 'left republicanism', or
'social republicanism'. For this current, the national question and
the social question are inseparable, and national liberation is
meaningless unless it also means the liberation of the 'men of no
property'.
James Fintan Lalor was the first to connect the national to a social
revolution, and base the struggle for independence on the land
question. What Ireland needed was complete independence and the
ownership of the soil by the entire people and not just a small class
of landlords. Independence alone is not sufficient unless it is
followed by radical social changes - the abolition of landlordism.
In Pearse's final pamphlet "The Sovereign People" he discussed his
feelings about the role the "sovereign people" play in determining
matters involving private property. At one point he plainly said: "I
do not disallow the right to private property; but I insist that all
property is held subject to the national sanction."
Often social republicanism expressed itself in a confused populism.
However, its most fully developed expression is to be found in the
theoretical contribution of James Connolly (though his work falls more
into the category of scientific socialism). Connolly's fundamental
teaching is that the struggle for national liberation is not opposed
to the struggle for socialism, but an integral and necessary part of
it. This is why "The cause of labour is the cause of Ireland; the
cause of Ireland is the cause of labour. They cannot be dissevered."
On the basis of a concrete analysis of social forces in Ireland,
Connolly concluded that "only the Irish working class remain as the
incorruptible inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland". The
genuine motor of the national liberation struggle is the working
class. All the other social classes will capitulate and sell out at
some stage because they are not prepared to risk their wealth and
power: "Ireland cannot rise to freedom except upon the shoulders of
the working class knowing its rights and daring to take them."
Republican socialism
The roots of republican socialism, the current of thought which
follows the teachings of James Connolly, are in 'social
republicanism', which sought to radicalise its democratic, egalitarian
and popular aspects. But it is more than that. It is part of the
socialist tradition. How does it differ from republicanism in general?
The first specificity is the class orientation. Although, as we have
seen, republicanism has a 'popular' orientation, it does not
explicitly and specifically represents the interests of the working
class. While republicanism is progressive and democratic, it only
speaks of 'the people' or 'the Irish people', not the Irish working
class. Illustrative of this is Padraig Pearse's statement that "the
nation is more important than any part of the nation".
Republican socialism differs from this in so far as it is a movement
of the working class for the re-organisation of society in the
interests of the working class. Republican socialism is based on
Connolly's teaching that "Only the Irish working class remain as the
incorruptible inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland."
The second difference is that of ultimate goal. Republican socialism
aims to establish the workers' republic, not simply the republic.
Republicanism at best stands for a socially egalitarian republic,
while republican socialism aims to establish the socialist republic as
a transitional stage, in which the working class begins to lay the
foundations for a truly liberated society and abolish classes. Only
when the working class takes power, as a class, will the socialist
republic be established.
The aim of republicanism is not for the working class to take power as
a class. For example, on January 21 1919, Dail Eireann, the parliament
of the provisional Irish republic, met for the first time and
discussed three documents. The first was a declaration of
independence, and the second, a request to the nations of the world to
recognise the Irish republic and allow it to be represented at the
peace conference. The third declaration was the Democratic Programme
of Dail Eireann, written by Johnson and O'Brien as a reward for
Labour candidates standing down in the election.
The original draft had contained sentences such as "The republic will
aim at the elimination of the class in society which lives upon the
wealth produced by the workers of the nation but gives no useful
service in return."
IRB leaders opposed this original draft, and Michael Collins declared
that he would suppress the Democratic Programme. However, despite
Collins's objections, the document could not be completely discarded
as the members of the Dáil refused to go on without a democratic
programme.
As a result the draft was handed over to O'Kelly who expurgated much
of the socialist rhetoric and produced what was finally put before the
Dáil. His draft removed a line from Pearse that read: "No private
right to property is good against the public right of the nation",
as well as Johnson's sentence: "It shall be the purpose of the
government to encourage the organisation of the people into trade
unions and cooperative societies, with a view to the control and
administration of the industries by the workers engaged in the
industries."
Thirdly, republican socialist ideology draws its inspiration first and
foremost from the struggles and ideas of the working class in Ireland
and worldwide rather than simply the republican tradition. More
importantly, it is based on class struggle, its core part.
Republicanism is not part of the global working class movement. It may
be in sympathy with it, but it is not organically part of it. It does
not see itself as part of the class struggle. Illustrative of this is
the attitudes of republicans during the 1913 lockout. Most
republicans, like Pearse or Thomas Clarke, were broadly sympathetic to
the strikers. However, the IRB as a body refused to back the strikers.
Class struggle would have been a divisive issue. It was left to
individual members whether or not they would support the strikers.
Republican socialism is not simply socialism. To call ourselves simply
'socialists' would imply that republican socialism has no organic
roots in republicanism. Its roots are in left republicanism, as
opposed to say Maoism, Trotskyism, social democracy or international
communism. This is not simply a genealogical or historical question.
It means that no serious revolutionary movement or process can be
built in Ireland outside or apart from the republican tradition. We
could characterise Irish republicanism in the same way Jurgen Habermas
characterised modernity: "an incomplete project". Irish republicanism
should not be abandoned - it can still be a vehicle for the
revolutionary transformation of society today.
Given the continued structural and social exclusion and alienation of
the nationalist working class and rural poor in the north, Kevin Bean
has argued that republicanism will continue to function as a
lightening conductor of both social and national-democratic
discontent. Likewise, the growing economic inequalities and social
exclusion of sections of both the urban and rural populations in the
south will be expressed by growing popular challenges to the
precarious success and inherently unstable hegemony of the Celtic
tiger. The point is to preserve and radicalise what is best in
republicanism; to complete - not abandon - the project.
IRSM
The task of republican socialists is to provide political leadership
to the economic, political and ideological struggle of the people, not
tail-end them. In Ireland today, the Irish Republican Socialist
Movement seeks not simply to participate in various struggle, but to
lead them actively. The creation of a strong political leadership is
essential for success. The IRSM is currently working to develop the
correct programme, strategy and tactics that will lead the working
class to power. It is also actively engaged in the economic, political
and military organisation of the class.
The Irish Republican Socialist Movement has a lot of credibility as a
revolutionary organisation. Its membership and support is almost
entirely based within the working class. Many of its members have been
killed or served long sentences in prison for their part in the
struggle. The fact that they have been ready to pay the ultimate price
shows that they are genuine professional revolutionaries. How many
organisations left of the political spectrum could claim that? Some
left groups may well dismiss the movement; but the state has
recognised it as a significant threat. This is why it has been engaged
in the deliberate murder of republican socialist militants; not least
because the organisation had put the question of armed confrontation
with the state on the agenda.
The Irish Republican Socialist Movement is thus well placed and has
the necessary credibility to renew the republican and socialist
projects in Ireland, and ensure that the cause of Ireland and the
cause of Labour remain organically tied.
[The arguments developed here owe a lot to discussions with (in no
particular order): Tommy McKearney, Anthony McIntyre, Gerry Ruddy,
Marian Price, Kevin Bean, Eddie McGarrigle, James Daly and Brendan
Holland. I wish to thank them all.]
*******
ASPECTS OF RACISM IN IRELAND
Every permanent halting site I for travellers in the north is full.
It is the responsibility of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive to
provide temporary halting sites so that travellers are not forced to
camp "illegally" and children have access to schools, GPs, running
water, electricity, sanitation etc.
When they were given this role in 1999 the NIHE said "As Northern
Ireland's comprehensive housing authority the Executive looks forward
with enthusiasm and confidence to taking on this new responsibility.
This is in line with the Executive's response to the consultation
document. The need for a co-ordinated approach is clear and the
recommendations will ensure that the housing needs of the travelling
community are effectively and sensitively met"
IN THE SIX YEARS SINCE THAT STATEMENT THEY HAVE PROVIDED THE GRAND
TOTAL OF 0 HALTING SITES.
Instead they have forced travellers to camp illegally in squalid
conditions without proper sanitation and then helped obtain orders
barring them from camping illegally and urinating in public places.
ANTI TRAVELLER RACISM IS DESTROYING LIVES
Poor health status:
The mortality rate for Traveller children up to the age of 10 has been
found to be 10 times that for the population as a whole. Overall the
life expectancy of Travellers is around 20% lower than the general
population. Only 10% of the Traveller population are over 40 years of
age and only 1% are aged over 65.
Poor living conditions
Travellers are eight times more likely to live in overcrowded
conditions in comparison with the general population in Northern
Ireland. Many still have extremely limited access to basic amenities
such as running water, electricity and sanitation, including some of
those living on serviced sites.
Long-term unemployment
Only 11% are in paid employment of one form or another, whilst 70% of
those who are economically active have had no paid work in the last
ten years.
Poor levels of educational attainment
The vast majority of Travellers have no formal qualifications (92%
have no GSCEs or their equivalent or higher). There are high levels of
non-attendance at secondary school, nonexistentattendance at tertiary
level and high levels of illiteracy.
*******
WHAT'S ON
*
Every Wednesday 1pm to 2 pm
Lunchtime political discussion on the issues of the day in 392 Falls
Road, Belfast. Telephone 028-9032-1024. Wednesday June 29th - Loyal
Order Parades - What Should be the Republican Socialist Response?
Comrades and friends welcome
*
Sunday, June 26th
Salthill Airshow, Sunday June 26th
Peace activists from Galway are organising a protest against the
inclusion of war machines in the Salthill Airshow.
The protest will start at 3PM this Sunday 26th, at the front of the
Seapoint building in Salthill.
Protest against the inclusion of war machines in the Salthill Airshow.
We welcome other anti-war activists to join us in this protest. Come
along and swell our ranks!
Please bring along any banners, anti-war handouts etc you may have.
For further info. contact Tommy Donnellon on 091587354 or email
tommyjoe@eircom.net.
*
Camp Havana Glencolmcille
From Friday 16th to Sunday 18th September 2005 over 100 men, women and
children from every corner of this island - and indeed from much
further away - will gather in Glencolmcille / Donegal. They will
come in busses, by car, bicycle or on foot.
They will erect CAMP HAVANA and walk to the top of Slieve League.
Some will take the challenging hike across the whole ridge,
accompanied by a trained mountain guide. Some will use a more relaxed
walking route and some will only go as far as the bus can take them.
All of them will enjoy Europe's highest sea - cliffs which are
surrounded by scenery incomparable to anywhere else on this earth.
Of course we are not just gathering to admire spectacular scenery. We
will get together in what is going to be the biggest show of
friendship with people from another island, Cuba, ever to happen on
these shores.
We are making this effort mainly because five young men are serving
lengthy prison sentences in the USA, guilty of nothing but the attempt
to stop terrorism; murderous and destructive acts which have killed
over 3,500 civilians in Cuba - more than the troubles in Northern
Ireland.
These men went to Miami to try and stop the people who orchestrate
this terrorism and ended up in US prisons. They have spent months in
isolation cells; their wives, kids and relations have been denied
visits.
The Miami 5 are victims of one of the most brutal human rights
violations in recent history, victims of breaches of both
international and US law.
We want freedom for these innocent men!
With our sponsored mountain walk and the large meeting / concert on
the evening of Saturday September 17th we will achieve;
- Massive publicity and increased awareness about the case.
- Pressure on political representatives (TDs, MPs, MEPs) to act
as opposed to talk.
- Raising of much needed financial support for the campaign and for
another urgent aid project in Cuba
- Pushing forward the world-wide campaign to free the Miami 5
and strengthen the links between campaigners from various countries
(At this very early stage we already know that there will be people
from England, the USA, Austria, Germany and Denmark coming to show
their support).
We can and we will free the Miami 5!
Nobody in this world is going to do it for us!
Lend us your support!
Join Camp Havana Glencolmcille 2005!
Get in touch with us now!
On behalf of the organisers of Camp Havana
Yours fraternally
Hermann Glaser-Baur
Phone us at: 028 77742655 (from Republic of Ireland: 04877742655)
E-mail: yohoocamphavanaglen@yahoo.ie
*
*******
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*
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Friday 10 June 2005
The Plough Vol 02 No 40
The Plough
Volume 2, Number 40
10 June 2005
E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) The British Elections in the North of Ireland
2) Are "Northern Ireland" Football Supporters Sectarian?
3) Venezuela: Lessons of Struggle
4) Quote
5) What's On
*******
THE BRITISH ELECTIONS IN THE NORTH OF IRELAND
The recent General Election results in the North of Ireland saw defeat
for the Ulster Unionist Party at the hands of their unionist rivals
the Democratic Unionist Party. The DUP now has 9 Westminster seats as
against the UUP one. One of the main aims of the peace process
strategy developed by the Provisional Republican Movement was the
splitting of unionism. The reality is that we now have the vast
majority of unionists united behind the arch bigot Paisley.
Sinn Fein (Provisional) has 5 seats as opposed to the SDLP's 3 and
failed to win the Foyle constituency where the SDLP leader, Mark
Durkan was standing. In a number of constituencies their actual vote
fell. Since the election Gerry Adams has held a number of private
meetings with Bertie Ahern. There is now enormous pressure on Sinn
Fein and IRA to go the 'extra mile' and disband the IRA. The pressure
comes from Dublin, from Westminster, from the Bush administration and
of course from the DUP whose vote within the unionist community was
won on the basis of not sharing power with Sinn Fein.
The DUP want a Stormont style majority rule but failing that would
settle for a coaliation Government with the SDLP that excludes Sinn
Fein. What ever the IRA do is unlikely to be enough for the DUP. After
all the DUP did not receive its huge vote to share power but rather to
keep Sinn Fein out of power! They are not likely to change their minds
for the foreseeable future.
Whatever happens Sinn Fein face a difficult period in the coming
months. If the IRA disband or decommission a huge cache of arms they
have no guarantee that the DUP will respond and agree to share power.
They risk humiliation without the guarantee of power sharing.
Whilst the Provisional Movement wrestle with their conscience let us
not forget how far they have already appeased unionism and the British
government. The Good Friday Agreement formalised the unionist veto.
The unionists have the final say over any fundamental dismantling of
this sectarian, artificial state. They have no exercised generosity
towards the nationalists and for many of us the Northern state is
still a cold house. Despite an IRA (P) ceasefire, which has lasted,
for ten years there has been little fundamental change to British
controlled police and security forces. Also the GFA has not resolved
the main social injustice the republican struggle was based on - the
denial of the right to self-determination for the Irish people as a
whole.
On the basis of these retreats from republicanism, we republican
socialists must offer an alternative which spells out a continuing
fight against the northern sectarian state and Britain's support for
it. But we recognise we have a massive hill to climb. In the recent
elections independent republicans did not do well.
In Derry the Socialist Environmental Alliance vote polled 1,649 (3.6
per cent). The SEA, led by veteran civil rights campaigner and SWP
member Eamonn McCann, polled slightly less than the SEA Assembly
election vote in 2003. It also failed to win in the 4 wards in the
local elections. However it was a campaign that drew support from
people opposed to the intended water privatisation and water charges.
The SEA fought for a mass campaign of non-payment and has also
stressed working class unity against sectarianism, war and the big
business agenda. These are positives republican socialists can
identify with.
We can not how ever identify with a socialist organisation in the
North of Ireland which remains silent on such key issues as the peace
process itself, the police, the presence of British troops, the
validity of the northern state, the national question and imperialism.
The British state is a past master at divide and rule. Partition in
both Ireland and India was only introduced late in the negotiations
and was a clear device to undermine the struggles for national
self-determination and foster divisions within the working classes.
Partitioned India and partitioned Ireland were born amidst sectarian
strife, murder and massacre. Whilst we republican socialists should
always seek to unify all workers in struggle over specific issues and
have taken initiatives to reach out to progressive sections of the
Protestant working class we also need to understand the role of the
state, imperialism and how it keeps working people divided. We will
not abandon our republicanism to chase the false illusions of a
spurious class unity based on ignoring the fundamental issues of
partition and imperialism.
*******
ARE "NORTHERN IRELAND" FOOTBALL SUPPORTERS SECTARIAN?
By Gerard Foster
It was 1979 and I was 16 years old. I found myself walking towards the
"Village area" of Belfast to "Windsor Park", the home of Linfield and
"Northern Ireland" football. Not a safe place for Catholics at the
best of times, but today I was with thousands of other "Catholics", we
were on our way to watch Cliftonville play against Linfield. It was
meant to be a home match for Cliftonville, but Linfield refused to
play at Solitude, the home of Cliftonville, so all their matches
against Linfield were played at "Windsor Park".
The "Blues", as Linfield are known in "football circles" said their
supporters were in danger by attending away matches at Solitude. This
goes back to 1970 or 71, when the I.R.A. shot over the heads of the
"Huns" (as they were known to us) as they left Solitude after a match.
The I.R.A. did this in response to the damage that the "Huns" were
causing in the area before and after matches, damage to homes and cars
etc. Locals put pressure on the "Ra" to do something about this, hence
the shots into the air.
Well that's how it was explained to me when I asked why all the away
matches were at "Windsor Park" when they played Linfield. I don't know
if this is true or not, but Glentoran and their supporters, who always
played their away games at Solitude, were never shot at, never mind
shots being fired over their heads. As a matter of fact, Glentoran
believed that this was an excuse to give Linfield an advantage over
all the other teams in the league.
But back to 1979, as we got into the Village area we were "tunnelled"
into "Windsor Park" by the R.U.C., in other words, they lined the
street on either side as we walked by. This might seem like good
"policing" on the face of it, but in effect, it just made us easy
targets for the stones and bottles that were thrown over the roofs
into the street at us. This did not really bother me, as I knew to
expect it. What really frightened me was the venom that was spat at us
from elderly women, who took to their upstairs windows to make sure we
saw them, and called us all the names under the sun. They brought
photos of their Queen, union jacks and any other thing they thought we
might find offensive. The hatred I saw in their faces as they shouted
down at us is something I will never forget. Their cheers when one of
us was hit by something, or more often than not, when the R.U.C.
battered one of us, was unbelievable. After the match we had to run
this gauntlet of sectarian hatred again as we made our way home.
I used to wonder what it was that these elderly women hated about us,
but I was never to find the answer. I also wondered if women like my
Mother could be capable of such hatred. Though I doubted it, it did
make me wonder.
So when I was asked a few weeks ago would I go to watch Northern
Ireland play Germany, I had my reservations, to say the least. I was
on a course and the subject came up about the support for Northern
Ireland being sectarian. Of course it is, we all know that, don't we?
One of the people on the course was a supporter, and the next day he
informed us the I.F.A. was willing to give us 20 tickets for the
match. So there it is, I found myself having to back up my opinions or
be proved wrong, and the only way to do that was to go to the match!!!
So with a little bit more than fear, I made my way to the top of Tates
Avenue to where we had agreed to meet. Although our group was very
mixed I thought I stood out, a prime-evil fear no doubt. But being an
ex-P.O.W. only made things worse, what if someone recognised me from
the prison? What was I doing among all these "Huns" and I don't mean
the German supporters? Christ, I don't even like this team, why should
I put myself through all this fear just because Gerry Ruddy said I
should do this course? Why didn't he do it himself? All sorts of
thoughts were running through my head. To top it all the only green I
had to wear was either a Celtic or Ireland top, and as that was not an
option, I brought an "Ulster" flag that I had got in circumstances
that I will not go into.
As we walked towards the ground things seemed to be pleasant enough,
German supporters mixed with us, some people finished of their beer
before they got to the ground as not alcohol is allowed in anymore.
This walk was very different from the last time I did it, no elderly
women shouting abuse, no stones coming over the roofs, no "tunnelling"
by the R.U.C. but still I felt I was walking into the lion's den. One
of the first things that surprised me after I went through the turn
styles was two blokes wearing Ireland tops, now this was unreal, was a
joke being played on me? No as it turned out. Into the stands I looked
around and noticed how much the place had changed since 1979, it did
look a lot better. As we waited for the match to start the lad that
had got us the tickets said he was surprised I actually came, nowhere
near as surprised as I was!!! So I settled in my seat and as the
matched started, I listened to the crowd and the songs they were
singing, I had been told that there would no "Billy boys" songs; even
the "Sash" was not sung anymore. This I found hard to believe as I
thought it was the only two songs they knew!! I was also told that
there would be no union jacks, and this turned out to be true, there
was not one in the crowd. The singing was a surprise also, not one
sectarian song was sung during the whole match. They didn't have too
many songs; it seems that "Northern Ireland" is a bit of a mouthful to
fit in!!
As the match progressed I started to feel a bit more at ease, we
seemed to be in the "Family stand" as there was a lot of children
running about. The crowd in the opposite stand started to do the "Dam
Busters Tune" to try and annoy the German supporters. It didn't work;
maybe the Germans know that it is probably the most over-rated
operation of World War Two. As the reason that I went to the match was
to observe the crowd, I didn't show too much interest in the actual
match. As you probably know the Germans, down to 10 men for most of
the match, won 4 to 1. I give out a bit of stick about this, as it
showed how bad the "Northern Ireland" really is. At the end of the
match the result of the Ireland-Israel was given out, this seem to get
the loudest cheer of the whole night!!
At home that night I thought about the crowd, had things really
changed that much? As a teenager I saw real hatred, "Windsor Park" has
seen some ugly scenes over the years. Some of them made it into the
local media probably the most notable were the game against Ireland.
That night the sectarian hatred was so bad that Irish supporters were
not allowed into the ground. I was in prison that night and was
listening to the match on the radio in my cell. Even in the prison I
could hear the crowd over the broadcasters talk. Things got that bad
Jack Charlton, the Irish manager at that time, wouldn't sake the hand
of Billy Bingham, the "Northern Ireland" manager, at the end of the
match because he was inciting the crowd in its sectarian hatred. There
was even a play made about this match because of the sectarianism that
night.
This and other notable sectarian events were the hallmark of "Windsor
Park". So for me to see such a change was challenging to say the
least. My first thought was, well this is against the Germans, what if
it was against Ireland? Would the "Dam Busters" and chants of "Healy,
Healy give us a goal" have been enough for the crowd? Then again does
that matter? The fact that the I.F.A. and their supporters are doing
their best to get rid of sectarianism at these matches is a step
forward.
We as republican socialists should always look at progressive steps in
a manner that befits our beliefs. I am not asking us to run out and
support "Northern Ireland" but to ignore any move, no matter how
small, that comes from the unionist people would be a mistake on our
behalf. We are about uniting people, not dividing them. We do not tell
people what they should or should not believe in. We will have to
except that the people I saw in "Windsor Park" that night were
passionate about their team, it was part of their identity, and if
they are trying to get rid of sectarianism at these matches, why
should we still be ignorant of their efforts?
I didn't believe that these changes were possible, again it was only
one match, but I did see changes, massive changes when you think about
it. I still feel nothing for or identify with anything that is
"Northern Irish" but these people are sharing this island with us, and
if we can not work with them or try to understand and come to identify
with each other, then as a working class party we will fail to ever
achieve any sort of working class unity. So to me the challenge is not
for the "Northern Ireland" supporters and unionism to come to our way
of thinking, but for us to try to understand and work with progressive
unionists to find a way towards working class unity. After all it is
said that horse racing is the sport of kings and that soccer is the
sport of the working class, why not try from here to find some working
class unity?
Coming out of the ground I did feel that the I.F.A. were at least
trying to end the overt bigotry and their supporters were playing
their part in this also. But I felt a bit of sadness as I left, not
only had Ireland dropped a few points against Israel, but as an Irish
supporter I could no longer call this team "Northern Ireland nil"!!
*******
VENEZUELA: LESSONS OF STRUGGLE
By Tomas Gorman
It's true to say that some things are the same all around the world,
no matter how far you go. Alexis took a fair deal of coaxing before he
would sing us all a song but once he got going we couldn't shut him
up. It was my last night in Caracas and for the last hour of my
English class at the Juan Alberdi School, we had pulled our chairs
around in a circle and chatted about different things. They wanted to
know more about Ireland and quizzed me on the weather, landscape,
food, etc. whilst I drew crude maps of Europe on the blackboard for
them. It was typical for the Friday classes to finish like this. The
missions were about meeting socially too and sharing experiences and
knowledge gained during the last week. I enjoyed these Friday evenings
immensely. They bubbled with excited Spanish and laughter. I was
usually the main target of all the banter (being the novelty in the
class) and my last night was celebrated with the women teaching me the
salsa, meringue and rumba dance steps and in exchange I had to sing an
Irish song for the class at the blackboard. At home this kind of
abandonment of prudence would be unspeakable in sobriety, but here in
this classroom in western Caracas, such was the joy and abandon that
it would have been embarrassing not to have joined the melee. It would
of course be better to have had visited the poor barrios of Caracas
both pre and post Chavez, but I doubt that such vitality and spirit
existed there ten, fifteen, twenty years ago.
May Day's march in Caracas was one event that I had looked forward to
with great anticipation. James, my English host, travelled with me by
Metro to the marches starting point at the La Bandera district. The
Metro was heaving with people in red chavista t-shirts moving
hurriedly, talking excitedly. When we ascended to ground level at La
Bandera station, I was taken aback by the size of the crowd waiting to
disembark. It was a sea of red with the occasional truck dressed with
flags pumping out lively Latin music that the crowd naturally danced
along the route to. The sheer vibrancy of the crowd swept me away.
The contrast between the May Day processions that I had attended in
Belfast was stark. Our processions were conservative, orderly, almost
sombre, as though we were commemorating socialism as an old friend
that we had buried in 1989. Here in Caracas, half a million people
were celebrating socialism and workers solidarity as something very
much alive and growing. They danced and waved flags as they snaked
their way through Caracas to the rally point where Hugo Chavez gave
his rousing address. I was able to get quite close up to the speaking
platform and heard him describe the goals of the revolutionary
process; "the creation of a new fair and equal Bolivarian Socialist
Venezuela we see forming and building around us". The people responded
to all of his strong points with cheers, whistling and flag waving. I
proudly waved my Starry Plough high over the crowd and was elated to
see it on the Venezuelan news channel that night.
What was evident that May Day in Caracas and in the classrooms and
every barrio I visited was the exuberance and enthusiasm that the
people had for the revolutionary process. Venezuela is embarking on,
what is in many respects, a unique revolutionary transition. It is
taking place in the context of various socio-economic and political
factors which are also unique to Venezuela and to try and replicate
the Venezuelan model here in Ireland would be in vain. However, we can
take certain elements and lessons from it. The Bolivarian government
has begun to organise its society around the needs of its people. It
has begun to use the land and resources as a commonwealth for the
benefits of its people. In doing so it has relieved many welfare and
economic pressures that the people suffered and created space for them
to fulfil their full human potential by whatever means they wish. It
is creating a culture where success and achievement are not measured
strictly in material gain but in sports, arts, technological,
agricultural and industrial development.
It's true to say that some things are the same all around the world,
no matter how far you go. If we can find the imaginative ambition,
tempered with the reality of our own socio-economic and political
status-quo, to create the space for our own people to develop our
society along similar lines, radical change would surely follow. It is
how we do this is, in my opinion, our greatest challenge.
One of my motivations is to see the same vitality and vibrancy that I
experienced on my last night in that classroom in western Caracas. I
left the classroom that night sad that I was going home, but with my
heart swelled with joy, my head bursting with ideas.
*******
QUOTE
Camilo Torres, a priest who died in combat with the Colombian ELN,
said: "Marxists believe that when you die worms eat you, while
Christians believe that when you die you go to heaven or hell
according to how you behaved in Earth. Yet of one thing are Marxists
and Christians sure of: hunger kills."
*******
WHAT'S ON
*
Every Wednesday 1pm to 2 pm
Lunchtime political discussion on the issues of the day in 392 Falls
Road, Belfast. Telephone 028-9032-1024. Wednesday June 8th –
Venezuela. Comrades and friends welcome.
*
Saturday-Sunday, 18-19 June
Day School and AGM, 18 and 19 June 2005
Conway Hall, Red Lion Square
London WC1
Nearest tube: Holborn
Colombia Solidarity Campaign Day School, fundraiser and AGM
18 June 2005
Day School
Suggested donation: £4/2
11am: Privatisation, Repression and Resistance in the Public
Universities.
Luz Estella Villareal (Colombian University Lecturer)
Juan Pablo Ochoa (Colombian Student Activist)
Lara Coleman (Universidad Viva Campaign)
12am: Communities in Resistance: Barrancabermeja, San Jose de Apartado
and Arauca.
Juan Carlos Galvis
(Vice President CUT Barrancabermeja and Human Rights Director,
Sinaltrainal)
Juan Pablo Ochoa
Andy Dockett
1-2 pm: lunch will be available in Conway Hall
2pm: The Multinationals in Colombia: Coca-Cola and BP Juan Carlos
Galvis (Juan Carlos is one of the plaintiffs in the US court case
against CC)
Marta Hinestroza
(Lawyer representing communities destroyed by BP)
3.30pm: The rebirth of the Social Movement across the Andes.
Speakers on Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia.
7pm-2am, Fundraising party
With live Cumbia, salsa DJs, food and drink.
Venue to be announced
19 June 2005.
AGM
11am-3pm. The AGM of the Colombia Solidarity Campaign will take place
in Conway Hall, with a prompt starting time of 11am. We aim to be
finished by 3pm. Details of the meeting; reports, motions and all
relevant instructions will be available soon. Lunch will be available.
Members and Affiliated Organisations only.
Conway Hall is fully wheelchair accessible.
Colombia Solidarity Campaign
- E-mail: colombia_sc@hotmail.com
- Homepage: http://www.colombiasolidarity.org.uk/
*
Saturday, 18 June
NATIONAL DAY OF ACTION AGAINST RACISM
Let us stay! Let us work!
JUSTICE FOR ASYLUM SEEKERS
Saturday 18 June, 12.30 pm
GPO, O'Connell Street, Dublin
Organised by RESIDENTS AGAINST RACISM
NATIONAL DAY OF ACTION AGAINST RACISM
Michael McDowell's deportation machine has got worse than ever in
recent months. He has sent his snatch squads into schools, attempting
to drag children away from their classmates and teachers. He has
separated mothers from their children. He has torn people away from
communities they are now a part of, ignoring calls for compassion from
their friends and neighbours. Asylum seekers in Ireland are forced to
live on only E19.10 a week. They are banned from working or studying.
People who are ready, willing and able to work are condemned by the
government to compulsory unemployment and poverty.
His ideological obsession with deporting people makes Michael McDowell
unfit to be in charge of the asylum system. The system should be taken
out of the hands of politicians altogether, and run by a body such as
the Human Rights Commission committed to fair play for asylum seekers.
Exploitation of immigrant workers is widespread in Ireland, based
largely on the current work permit system. The permit is given to the
employer, not the worker, which ties you to a single company with no
right to change jobs. If the boss doesn't renew your permit, you have
no legal right to stay in Ireland. Recently, popular protest forced
McDowell to do a U-turn, and reverse the deportation of Kunle
Elukanlo, a school student from Dublin. In the run-up to World Refugee
Day, 18 June is a chance to show that not everyone is prepared to
stand by and allow state racism to continue.
- Stop the deportations
- Give asylum seekers the right to work
- Take the asylum system out of the politicians' hands
- Take the work permits away from the employer
Residents Against Racism was set up in 1998 to fight against state
racism, and to oppose all manifestations of racism. We have
successfully campaigned in support of refugees facing deportation and
other forms of harassment from the state. Our supporters include Joe
Costello TD, Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, Joe Higgins TD, Ciarán Cuffe
TD, Finian McGrath TD, Michael O'Reilly of the ATGWU, and many other
individuals and groups. We are not connected to any political party,
and do not receive any state funding.
Contact details on website
http://www.residentsagainstracism.org/
*
Wednesday, 22 June 2005
Linen Hall Library Lecture
The Act Of Union Virtual Library
Wednesday 22nd June 2005 at 1pm
Speakers:
Dr Jonathan Bardon & Dr Paul Ell
Jonathan Bardon and Paul Ell will describe and illustrate the
innovative project, which saw the creation of a virtual library of
contemporary sources relating to the Act of Union between Great
Britain and Ireland in 1800. The accessibility and utility of this web
based archive will be demonstrated in a user friendly way.
Admission Free - All Welcome
This lecture has been sponsored by the International Fund for Ireland.
*
Camp Havana Glencolmcille
From Friday 16th to Sunday 18th September 2005 over 100 men, women and
children from every corner of this island - and indeed from much
further away - will gather in Glencolmcille / Donegal. They will
come in busses, by car, bicycle or on foot.
They will erect CAMP HAVANA and walk to the top of Slieve League.
Some will take the challenging hike across the whole ridge,
accompanied by a trained mountain guide. Some will use a more relaxed
walking route and some will only go as far as the bus can take them.
All of them will enjoy Europe's highest sea - cliffs which are
surrounded by scenery incomparable to anywhere else on this earth.
Of course we are not just gathering to admire spectacular scenery. We
will get together in what is going to be the biggest show of
friendship with people from another island, Cuba, ever to happen on
these shores.
We are making this effort mainly because five young men are serving
lengthy prison sentences in the USA, guilty of nothing but the attempt
to stop terrorism; murderous and destructive acts which have killed
over 3,500 civilians in Cuba - more than the troubles in Northern
Ireland.
These men went to Miami to try and stop the people who orchestrate
this terrorism and ended up in US prisons. They have spent months in
isolation cells; their wives, kids and relations have been denied
visits.
The Miami 5 are victims of one of the most brutal human rights
violations in recent history, victims of breaches of both
international and US law.
We want freedom for these innocent men!
With our sponsored mountain walk and the large meeting / concert on
the evening of Saturday September 17th we will achieve;
- Massive publicity and increased awareness about the case.
- Pressure on political representatives (TDs, MPs, MEPs) to act
as opposed to talk.
- Raising of much needed financial support for the campaign and for
another urgent aid project in Cuba
- Pushing forward the world-wide campaign to free the Miami 5
and strengthen the links between campaigners from various countries
(At this very early stage we already know that there will be people
from England, the USA, Austria, Germany and Denmark coming to show
their support).
We can and we will free the Miami 5!
Nobody in this world is going to do it for us!
Lend us your support!
Join Camp Havana Glencolmcille 2005!
Get in touch with us now!
On behalf of the organisers of Camp Havana
Yours fraternally
Hermann Glaser-Baur
Phone us at: 028 77742655 (from Republic of Ireland: 04877742655)
E–mail: yohoocamphavanaglen@yahoo.ie
*
Sunday, 26 June
Annual IRSM Wolfe Tone Commemoration will take place at 2pm on Sunday
26th of June in Bodenstown, Sallins, Co. Kildare. Republican Socialist
bands will be in attendance. All welcome. Contact
DublinIRSP@hotmail.com for further details.
*******
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*
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Volume 2, Number 40
10 June 2005
E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) The British Elections in the North of Ireland
2) Are "Northern Ireland" Football Supporters Sectarian?
3) Venezuela: Lessons of Struggle
4) Quote
5) What's On
*******
THE BRITISH ELECTIONS IN THE NORTH OF IRELAND
The recent General Election results in the North of Ireland saw defeat
for the Ulster Unionist Party at the hands of their unionist rivals
the Democratic Unionist Party. The DUP now has 9 Westminster seats as
against the UUP one. One of the main aims of the peace process
strategy developed by the Provisional Republican Movement was the
splitting of unionism. The reality is that we now have the vast
majority of unionists united behind the arch bigot Paisley.
Sinn Fein (Provisional) has 5 seats as opposed to the SDLP's 3 and
failed to win the Foyle constituency where the SDLP leader, Mark
Durkan was standing. In a number of constituencies their actual vote
fell. Since the election Gerry Adams has held a number of private
meetings with Bertie Ahern. There is now enormous pressure on Sinn
Fein and IRA to go the 'extra mile' and disband the IRA. The pressure
comes from Dublin, from Westminster, from the Bush administration and
of course from the DUP whose vote within the unionist community was
won on the basis of not sharing power with Sinn Fein.
The DUP want a Stormont style majority rule but failing that would
settle for a coaliation Government with the SDLP that excludes Sinn
Fein. What ever the IRA do is unlikely to be enough for the DUP. After
all the DUP did not receive its huge vote to share power but rather to
keep Sinn Fein out of power! They are not likely to change their minds
for the foreseeable future.
Whatever happens Sinn Fein face a difficult period in the coming
months. If the IRA disband or decommission a huge cache of arms they
have no guarantee that the DUP will respond and agree to share power.
They risk humiliation without the guarantee of power sharing.
Whilst the Provisional Movement wrestle with their conscience let us
not forget how far they have already appeased unionism and the British
government. The Good Friday Agreement formalised the unionist veto.
The unionists have the final say over any fundamental dismantling of
this sectarian, artificial state. They have no exercised generosity
towards the nationalists and for many of us the Northern state is
still a cold house. Despite an IRA (P) ceasefire, which has lasted,
for ten years there has been little fundamental change to British
controlled police and security forces. Also the GFA has not resolved
the main social injustice the republican struggle was based on - the
denial of the right to self-determination for the Irish people as a
whole.
On the basis of these retreats from republicanism, we republican
socialists must offer an alternative which spells out a continuing
fight against the northern sectarian state and Britain's support for
it. But we recognise we have a massive hill to climb. In the recent
elections independent republicans did not do well.
In Derry the Socialist Environmental Alliance vote polled 1,649 (3.6
per cent). The SEA, led by veteran civil rights campaigner and SWP
member Eamonn McCann, polled slightly less than the SEA Assembly
election vote in 2003. It also failed to win in the 4 wards in the
local elections. However it was a campaign that drew support from
people opposed to the intended water privatisation and water charges.
The SEA fought for a mass campaign of non-payment and has also
stressed working class unity against sectarianism, war and the big
business agenda. These are positives republican socialists can
identify with.
We can not how ever identify with a socialist organisation in the
North of Ireland which remains silent on such key issues as the peace
process itself, the police, the presence of British troops, the
validity of the northern state, the national question and imperialism.
The British state is a past master at divide and rule. Partition in
both Ireland and India was only introduced late in the negotiations
and was a clear device to undermine the struggles for national
self-determination and foster divisions within the working classes.
Partitioned India and partitioned Ireland were born amidst sectarian
strife, murder and massacre. Whilst we republican socialists should
always seek to unify all workers in struggle over specific issues and
have taken initiatives to reach out to progressive sections of the
Protestant working class we also need to understand the role of the
state, imperialism and how it keeps working people divided. We will
not abandon our republicanism to chase the false illusions of a
spurious class unity based on ignoring the fundamental issues of
partition and imperialism.
*******
ARE "NORTHERN IRELAND" FOOTBALL SUPPORTERS SECTARIAN?
By Gerard Foster
It was 1979 and I was 16 years old. I found myself walking towards the
"Village area" of Belfast to "Windsor Park", the home of Linfield and
"Northern Ireland" football. Not a safe place for Catholics at the
best of times, but today I was with thousands of other "Catholics", we
were on our way to watch Cliftonville play against Linfield. It was
meant to be a home match for Cliftonville, but Linfield refused to
play at Solitude, the home of Cliftonville, so all their matches
against Linfield were played at "Windsor Park".
The "Blues", as Linfield are known in "football circles" said their
supporters were in danger by attending away matches at Solitude. This
goes back to 1970 or 71, when the I.R.A. shot over the heads of the
"Huns" (as they were known to us) as they left Solitude after a match.
The I.R.A. did this in response to the damage that the "Huns" were
causing in the area before and after matches, damage to homes and cars
etc. Locals put pressure on the "Ra" to do something about this, hence
the shots into the air.
Well that's how it was explained to me when I asked why all the away
matches were at "Windsor Park" when they played Linfield. I don't know
if this is true or not, but Glentoran and their supporters, who always
played their away games at Solitude, were never shot at, never mind
shots being fired over their heads. As a matter of fact, Glentoran
believed that this was an excuse to give Linfield an advantage over
all the other teams in the league.
But back to 1979, as we got into the Village area we were "tunnelled"
into "Windsor Park" by the R.U.C., in other words, they lined the
street on either side as we walked by. This might seem like good
"policing" on the face of it, but in effect, it just made us easy
targets for the stones and bottles that were thrown over the roofs
into the street at us. This did not really bother me, as I knew to
expect it. What really frightened me was the venom that was spat at us
from elderly women, who took to their upstairs windows to make sure we
saw them, and called us all the names under the sun. They brought
photos of their Queen, union jacks and any other thing they thought we
might find offensive. The hatred I saw in their faces as they shouted
down at us is something I will never forget. Their cheers when one of
us was hit by something, or more often than not, when the R.U.C.
battered one of us, was unbelievable. After the match we had to run
this gauntlet of sectarian hatred again as we made our way home.
I used to wonder what it was that these elderly women hated about us,
but I was never to find the answer. I also wondered if women like my
Mother could be capable of such hatred. Though I doubted it, it did
make me wonder.
So when I was asked a few weeks ago would I go to watch Northern
Ireland play Germany, I had my reservations, to say the least. I was
on a course and the subject came up about the support for Northern
Ireland being sectarian. Of course it is, we all know that, don't we?
One of the people on the course was a supporter, and the next day he
informed us the I.F.A. was willing to give us 20 tickets for the
match. So there it is, I found myself having to back up my opinions or
be proved wrong, and the only way to do that was to go to the match!!!
So with a little bit more than fear, I made my way to the top of Tates
Avenue to where we had agreed to meet. Although our group was very
mixed I thought I stood out, a prime-evil fear no doubt. But being an
ex-P.O.W. only made things worse, what if someone recognised me from
the prison? What was I doing among all these "Huns" and I don't mean
the German supporters? Christ, I don't even like this team, why should
I put myself through all this fear just because Gerry Ruddy said I
should do this course? Why didn't he do it himself? All sorts of
thoughts were running through my head. To top it all the only green I
had to wear was either a Celtic or Ireland top, and as that was not an
option, I brought an "Ulster" flag that I had got in circumstances
that I will not go into.
As we walked towards the ground things seemed to be pleasant enough,
German supporters mixed with us, some people finished of their beer
before they got to the ground as not alcohol is allowed in anymore.
This walk was very different from the last time I did it, no elderly
women shouting abuse, no stones coming over the roofs, no "tunnelling"
by the R.U.C. but still I felt I was walking into the lion's den. One
of the first things that surprised me after I went through the turn
styles was two blokes wearing Ireland tops, now this was unreal, was a
joke being played on me? No as it turned out. Into the stands I looked
around and noticed how much the place had changed since 1979, it did
look a lot better. As we waited for the match to start the lad that
had got us the tickets said he was surprised I actually came, nowhere
near as surprised as I was!!! So I settled in my seat and as the
matched started, I listened to the crowd and the songs they were
singing, I had been told that there would no "Billy boys" songs; even
the "Sash" was not sung anymore. This I found hard to believe as I
thought it was the only two songs they knew!! I was also told that
there would be no union jacks, and this turned out to be true, there
was not one in the crowd. The singing was a surprise also, not one
sectarian song was sung during the whole match. They didn't have too
many songs; it seems that "Northern Ireland" is a bit of a mouthful to
fit in!!
As the match progressed I started to feel a bit more at ease, we
seemed to be in the "Family stand" as there was a lot of children
running about. The crowd in the opposite stand started to do the "Dam
Busters Tune" to try and annoy the German supporters. It didn't work;
maybe the Germans know that it is probably the most over-rated
operation of World War Two. As the reason that I went to the match was
to observe the crowd, I didn't show too much interest in the actual
match. As you probably know the Germans, down to 10 men for most of
the match, won 4 to 1. I give out a bit of stick about this, as it
showed how bad the "Northern Ireland" really is. At the end of the
match the result of the Ireland-Israel was given out, this seem to get
the loudest cheer of the whole night!!
At home that night I thought about the crowd, had things really
changed that much? As a teenager I saw real hatred, "Windsor Park" has
seen some ugly scenes over the years. Some of them made it into the
local media probably the most notable were the game against Ireland.
That night the sectarian hatred was so bad that Irish supporters were
not allowed into the ground. I was in prison that night and was
listening to the match on the radio in my cell. Even in the prison I
could hear the crowd over the broadcasters talk. Things got that bad
Jack Charlton, the Irish manager at that time, wouldn't sake the hand
of Billy Bingham, the "Northern Ireland" manager, at the end of the
match because he was inciting the crowd in its sectarian hatred. There
was even a play made about this match because of the sectarianism that
night.
This and other notable sectarian events were the hallmark of "Windsor
Park". So for me to see such a change was challenging to say the
least. My first thought was, well this is against the Germans, what if
it was against Ireland? Would the "Dam Busters" and chants of "Healy,
Healy give us a goal" have been enough for the crowd? Then again does
that matter? The fact that the I.F.A. and their supporters are doing
their best to get rid of sectarianism at these matches is a step
forward.
We as republican socialists should always look at progressive steps in
a manner that befits our beliefs. I am not asking us to run out and
support "Northern Ireland" but to ignore any move, no matter how
small, that comes from the unionist people would be a mistake on our
behalf. We are about uniting people, not dividing them. We do not tell
people what they should or should not believe in. We will have to
except that the people I saw in "Windsor Park" that night were
passionate about their team, it was part of their identity, and if
they are trying to get rid of sectarianism at these matches, why
should we still be ignorant of their efforts?
I didn't believe that these changes were possible, again it was only
one match, but I did see changes, massive changes when you think about
it. I still feel nothing for or identify with anything that is
"Northern Irish" but these people are sharing this island with us, and
if we can not work with them or try to understand and come to identify
with each other, then as a working class party we will fail to ever
achieve any sort of working class unity. So to me the challenge is not
for the "Northern Ireland" supporters and unionism to come to our way
of thinking, but for us to try to understand and work with progressive
unionists to find a way towards working class unity. After all it is
said that horse racing is the sport of kings and that soccer is the
sport of the working class, why not try from here to find some working
class unity?
Coming out of the ground I did feel that the I.F.A. were at least
trying to end the overt bigotry and their supporters were playing
their part in this also. But I felt a bit of sadness as I left, not
only had Ireland dropped a few points against Israel, but as an Irish
supporter I could no longer call this team "Northern Ireland nil"!!
*******
VENEZUELA: LESSONS OF STRUGGLE
By Tomas Gorman
It's true to say that some things are the same all around the world,
no matter how far you go. Alexis took a fair deal of coaxing before he
would sing us all a song but once he got going we couldn't shut him
up. It was my last night in Caracas and for the last hour of my
English class at the Juan Alberdi School, we had pulled our chairs
around in a circle and chatted about different things. They wanted to
know more about Ireland and quizzed me on the weather, landscape,
food, etc. whilst I drew crude maps of Europe on the blackboard for
them. It was typical for the Friday classes to finish like this. The
missions were about meeting socially too and sharing experiences and
knowledge gained during the last week. I enjoyed these Friday evenings
immensely. They bubbled with excited Spanish and laughter. I was
usually the main target of all the banter (being the novelty in the
class) and my last night was celebrated with the women teaching me the
salsa, meringue and rumba dance steps and in exchange I had to sing an
Irish song for the class at the blackboard. At home this kind of
abandonment of prudence would be unspeakable in sobriety, but here in
this classroom in western Caracas, such was the joy and abandon that
it would have been embarrassing not to have joined the melee. It would
of course be better to have had visited the poor barrios of Caracas
both pre and post Chavez, but I doubt that such vitality and spirit
existed there ten, fifteen, twenty years ago.
May Day's march in Caracas was one event that I had looked forward to
with great anticipation. James, my English host, travelled with me by
Metro to the marches starting point at the La Bandera district. The
Metro was heaving with people in red chavista t-shirts moving
hurriedly, talking excitedly. When we ascended to ground level at La
Bandera station, I was taken aback by the size of the crowd waiting to
disembark. It was a sea of red with the occasional truck dressed with
flags pumping out lively Latin music that the crowd naturally danced
along the route to. The sheer vibrancy of the crowd swept me away.
The contrast between the May Day processions that I had attended in
Belfast was stark. Our processions were conservative, orderly, almost
sombre, as though we were commemorating socialism as an old friend
that we had buried in 1989. Here in Caracas, half a million people
were celebrating socialism and workers solidarity as something very
much alive and growing. They danced and waved flags as they snaked
their way through Caracas to the rally point where Hugo Chavez gave
his rousing address. I was able to get quite close up to the speaking
platform and heard him describe the goals of the revolutionary
process; "the creation of a new fair and equal Bolivarian Socialist
Venezuela we see forming and building around us". The people responded
to all of his strong points with cheers, whistling and flag waving. I
proudly waved my Starry Plough high over the crowd and was elated to
see it on the Venezuelan news channel that night.
What was evident that May Day in Caracas and in the classrooms and
every barrio I visited was the exuberance and enthusiasm that the
people had for the revolutionary process. Venezuela is embarking on,
what is in many respects, a unique revolutionary transition. It is
taking place in the context of various socio-economic and political
factors which are also unique to Venezuela and to try and replicate
the Venezuelan model here in Ireland would be in vain. However, we can
take certain elements and lessons from it. The Bolivarian government
has begun to organise its society around the needs of its people. It
has begun to use the land and resources as a commonwealth for the
benefits of its people. In doing so it has relieved many welfare and
economic pressures that the people suffered and created space for them
to fulfil their full human potential by whatever means they wish. It
is creating a culture where success and achievement are not measured
strictly in material gain but in sports, arts, technological,
agricultural and industrial development.
It's true to say that some things are the same all around the world,
no matter how far you go. If we can find the imaginative ambition,
tempered with the reality of our own socio-economic and political
status-quo, to create the space for our own people to develop our
society along similar lines, radical change would surely follow. It is
how we do this is, in my opinion, our greatest challenge.
One of my motivations is to see the same vitality and vibrancy that I
experienced on my last night in that classroom in western Caracas. I
left the classroom that night sad that I was going home, but with my
heart swelled with joy, my head bursting with ideas.
*******
QUOTE
Camilo Torres, a priest who died in combat with the Colombian ELN,
said: "Marxists believe that when you die worms eat you, while
Christians believe that when you die you go to heaven or hell
according to how you behaved in Earth. Yet of one thing are Marxists
and Christians sure of: hunger kills."
*******
WHAT'S ON
*
Every Wednesday 1pm to 2 pm
Lunchtime political discussion on the issues of the day in 392 Falls
Road, Belfast. Telephone 028-9032-1024. Wednesday June 8th –
Venezuela. Comrades and friends welcome.
*
Saturday-Sunday, 18-19 June
Day School and AGM, 18 and 19 June 2005
Conway Hall, Red Lion Square
London WC1
Nearest tube: Holborn
Colombia Solidarity Campaign Day School, fundraiser and AGM
18 June 2005
Day School
Suggested donation: £4/2
11am: Privatisation, Repression and Resistance in the Public
Universities.
Luz Estella Villareal (Colombian University Lecturer)
Juan Pablo Ochoa (Colombian Student Activist)
Lara Coleman (Universidad Viva Campaign)
12am: Communities in Resistance: Barrancabermeja, San Jose de Apartado
and Arauca.
Juan Carlos Galvis
(Vice President CUT Barrancabermeja and Human Rights Director,
Sinaltrainal)
Juan Pablo Ochoa
Andy Dockett
1-2 pm: lunch will be available in Conway Hall
2pm: The Multinationals in Colombia: Coca-Cola and BP Juan Carlos
Galvis (Juan Carlos is one of the plaintiffs in the US court case
against CC)
Marta Hinestroza
(Lawyer representing communities destroyed by BP)
3.30pm: The rebirth of the Social Movement across the Andes.
Speakers on Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia.
7pm-2am, Fundraising party
With live Cumbia, salsa DJs, food and drink.
Venue to be announced
19 June 2005.
AGM
11am-3pm. The AGM of the Colombia Solidarity Campaign will take place
in Conway Hall, with a prompt starting time of 11am. We aim to be
finished by 3pm. Details of the meeting; reports, motions and all
relevant instructions will be available soon. Lunch will be available.
Members and Affiliated Organisations only.
Conway Hall is fully wheelchair accessible.
Colombia Solidarity Campaign
- E-mail: colombia_sc@hotmail.com
- Homepage: http://www.colombiasolidarity.org.uk/
*
Saturday, 18 June
NATIONAL DAY OF ACTION AGAINST RACISM
Let us stay! Let us work!
JUSTICE FOR ASYLUM SEEKERS
Saturday 18 June, 12.30 pm
GPO, O'Connell Street, Dublin
Organised by RESIDENTS AGAINST RACISM
NATIONAL DAY OF ACTION AGAINST RACISM
Michael McDowell's deportation machine has got worse than ever in
recent months. He has sent his snatch squads into schools, attempting
to drag children away from their classmates and teachers. He has
separated mothers from their children. He has torn people away from
communities they are now a part of, ignoring calls for compassion from
their friends and neighbours. Asylum seekers in Ireland are forced to
live on only E19.10 a week. They are banned from working or studying.
People who are ready, willing and able to work are condemned by the
government to compulsory unemployment and poverty.
His ideological obsession with deporting people makes Michael McDowell
unfit to be in charge of the asylum system. The system should be taken
out of the hands of politicians altogether, and run by a body such as
the Human Rights Commission committed to fair play for asylum seekers.
Exploitation of immigrant workers is widespread in Ireland, based
largely on the current work permit system. The permit is given to the
employer, not the worker, which ties you to a single company with no
right to change jobs. If the boss doesn't renew your permit, you have
no legal right to stay in Ireland. Recently, popular protest forced
McDowell to do a U-turn, and reverse the deportation of Kunle
Elukanlo, a school student from Dublin. In the run-up to World Refugee
Day, 18 June is a chance to show that not everyone is prepared to
stand by and allow state racism to continue.
- Stop the deportations
- Give asylum seekers the right to work
- Take the asylum system out of the politicians' hands
- Take the work permits away from the employer
Residents Against Racism was set up in 1998 to fight against state
racism, and to oppose all manifestations of racism. We have
successfully campaigned in support of refugees facing deportation and
other forms of harassment from the state. Our supporters include Joe
Costello TD, Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, Joe Higgins TD, Ciarán Cuffe
TD, Finian McGrath TD, Michael O'Reilly of the ATGWU, and many other
individuals and groups. We are not connected to any political party,
and do not receive any state funding.
Contact details on website
http://www.residentsagainstracism.org/
*
Wednesday, 22 June 2005
Linen Hall Library Lecture
The Act Of Union Virtual Library
Wednesday 22nd June 2005 at 1pm
Speakers:
Dr Jonathan Bardon & Dr Paul Ell
Jonathan Bardon and Paul Ell will describe and illustrate the
innovative project, which saw the creation of a virtual library of
contemporary sources relating to the Act of Union between Great
Britain and Ireland in 1800. The accessibility and utility of this web
based archive will be demonstrated in a user friendly way.
Admission Free - All Welcome
This lecture has been sponsored by the International Fund for Ireland.
*
Camp Havana Glencolmcille
From Friday 16th to Sunday 18th September 2005 over 100 men, women and
children from every corner of this island - and indeed from much
further away - will gather in Glencolmcille / Donegal. They will
come in busses, by car, bicycle or on foot.
They will erect CAMP HAVANA and walk to the top of Slieve League.
Some will take the challenging hike across the whole ridge,
accompanied by a trained mountain guide. Some will use a more relaxed
walking route and some will only go as far as the bus can take them.
All of them will enjoy Europe's highest sea - cliffs which are
surrounded by scenery incomparable to anywhere else on this earth.
Of course we are not just gathering to admire spectacular scenery. We
will get together in what is going to be the biggest show of
friendship with people from another island, Cuba, ever to happen on
these shores.
We are making this effort mainly because five young men are serving
lengthy prison sentences in the USA, guilty of nothing but the attempt
to stop terrorism; murderous and destructive acts which have killed
over 3,500 civilians in Cuba - more than the troubles in Northern
Ireland.
These men went to Miami to try and stop the people who orchestrate
this terrorism and ended up in US prisons. They have spent months in
isolation cells; their wives, kids and relations have been denied
visits.
The Miami 5 are victims of one of the most brutal human rights
violations in recent history, victims of breaches of both
international and US law.
We want freedom for these innocent men!
With our sponsored mountain walk and the large meeting / concert on
the evening of Saturday September 17th we will achieve;
- Massive publicity and increased awareness about the case.
- Pressure on political representatives (TDs, MPs, MEPs) to act
as opposed to talk.
- Raising of much needed financial support for the campaign and for
another urgent aid project in Cuba
- Pushing forward the world-wide campaign to free the Miami 5
and strengthen the links between campaigners from various countries
(At this very early stage we already know that there will be people
from England, the USA, Austria, Germany and Denmark coming to show
their support).
We can and we will free the Miami 5!
Nobody in this world is going to do it for us!
Lend us your support!
Join Camp Havana Glencolmcille 2005!
Get in touch with us now!
On behalf of the organisers of Camp Havana
Yours fraternally
Hermann Glaser-Baur
Phone us at: 028 77742655 (from Republic of Ireland: 04877742655)
E–mail: yohoocamphavanaglen@yahoo.ie
*
Sunday, 26 June
Annual IRSM Wolfe Tone Commemoration will take place at 2pm on Sunday
26th of June in Bodenstown, Sallins, Co. Kildare. Republican Socialist
bands will be in attendance. All welcome. Contact
DublinIRSP@hotmail.com for further details.
*******
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*
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