Sunday 31 October 2004

The Plough Vol 02 No 11

The Plough
Volume 2, Number 11
31 October 2004

E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1. Editorial
2. Teenage Drug Ring in Ardoyne
3. Civilians in Iraq
4. Crisis Warning on Social Housing
5. What's On

*******

EDITORIAL

As we are writing, the US presidential elections are just a few days
away. The Plough would like to remind its readers of a few facts.

The US is a democratic political system. Technically, any US citizen
can become a candidate for the US presidency. Our North American
coordinator could if he wanted be a presidential candidate.

The problem is that if anybody can become a presidential candidate,
very few can afford it.

G. W. Bush's income was estimated this year to stand at 1.2 million
dollars, as well as a fortune worth over 17 million dollars. John
Kerry is married to Theresa Heinz, who comes from the family that owns
the Ketchup firm. She is worth more than one billion dollars, and
Kerry earned this year over 100 million dollars.

Last year, 123 members of the US congress earned over one million
dollars or more. For example: Ted Kennedy (45 million), John
Rockefeller (80 million), Jane Herman (160 million), Arno Houghton
(150 millions), Bill Frist (45 millions)...

Millionaires and billionaires representing the ordinary people, it is
a bit paradoxal...

To go back to the presidential elections, only millionaires can afford
to run. G. W. Bush has already spent over 339 million dollars for his
publicity campaign, and John Kerry 312 million.

Those huge sums of money don't just come out of their own pockets.
Those sponsoring John Kerry are amongst others: Time Warner,
Microsoft, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs, UBS, and IBM. G. W. Bush is
backed by Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch, UBS, Credit Suisse, First
Boston, Citigroup, DuPont, Exxon, Microsoft.

The vast majority of their support comes from the 5 percent richest
Americans. Candidates are literally "bought" by corporate interests.
Look for example at the top five people in the current US government

- President Bush comes from a family representing the interests of the
petrol industry.

- Dick Cheney, vice-president, was the big boss of Halliburton
(petrol, defence, construction). He was head of Procter & Gamble
(hygiene) as well as Brown and Root Saudi (construction). Hs wife Lynn
Cheney is one of the bosses of Lockheed Martin (defence).

- Donald Rumsfeld, Defence Minister, was head of Gilead Sciences
(biotechnology), of Asea Brown Boveri (nuclear energy) and Gulfstream
Aerospace (defence).

- Colin Powell, Foreign Affairs Minister, sat on the board of Carlyle
Group (the bank of the military industrial complex), and a director of
Gulfstream

- Condoleezza Rice, National Security Advisor, sat on the board of
Chevron (petrol).

The Plough reminds its readers that one thing is certain: it won't be
the ordinary people or democracy who will be winners on November 2...

(Figures from Les élections présidentielles aux Etats-Unis:
Combien coûte laMaison-Blanche (Mercredi, 13 Octobre 2004)
http://www.ptb.be/)

*******

TEENAGE DRUG RING IN ARDOYNE

North Belfast Teach Na Fáilte Uncover Teenage Drug Ring in Ardoyne

North Belfast Teach Na Fáilte has this week uncovered the sick
truth surrounding the drug trade that is plaguing our areas.

Illicit drug barons who operate from the luxury of their North Belfast
homes have been swamping the area with tens of thousands of pounds of
narcotics a week -– which is being directed at our youth.

This revelation came to light when a concerned parent of a 14 year old
was directed to the Teach na Fáilte offices in Ardoyne so that they
could benefit from the confidential Grass Roots Justice Initiative
which operates there.

Teach Na Fáilte workers for the area, Charlie Clarke and Paul
Carson, said that no one could have been prepared for what was
unearthed.

This all started last week when a concerned mother and father
approached the case workers of Grass Roots Justice.

The distraught couple had come to the offices for help and direction
to help them ascertain whether or not their 14-year-old son had been
dealing drugs in the area.

"The parents of this young lad had become suspicious when they noticed
remarkable changes in his attitude and behaviour," said Mr. Clarke.

"Money, jewellery and electrical objects started to go missing,
minimal at first, but then progressed into a weekly and then daily
occurrence. This was accompanied with a change in his social
activities. The parents, who cannot be named due to the
confidentiality of Grass Roots Justice, claimed they were at their
'wit's end' with the catalogue of events that had prompted them to
come forward to seek help."

After listening intently to the parents' fears, Paul Carson stated,
"It was when we heard everything that the mother and father were
describing to us it became quite clear that there was some truth in
the case. We agreed to help and arranged to speak with the child in
the presence of his parents, at our offices.

"After meeting the young lad, around the same age as my own children,
it was evident that he was hiding something."

Paul went on to add, "Eventually he came clean and told the truth
about his actions. This child had been smoking cannabis from the age
of 12 and had been supplied on 'strap' to satisfy his addiction.
After running up a bill of £350 or so, he was approached by this
drug baron who originally hails from the Carrickhill area of Belfast,
when he began to be threatened with physical violence and the
possibility of hospitalisation.

"The teenager was then told that he would have to get the money by
whatever means he could.

"The youngster then began to pilfer whatever he could lay his hands
on, mostly around the house at first and from family and friends who
would leave things lying around unsuspecting," stated Charlie Clarke.

He went on to add, "It was when this wasn't enough that he was 'teamed
up' with another lad, 15, so that they would carry out 'sleepers'
which are robberies conducted in houses at night when the owner lies
asleep in bed.

"All the proceeds of these robberies was handed back to the gang lord
in order to pay off this debt.

"Eventually when this couldn't subsidise the still growing bill, they
were directed to the 'big house' were they would be given their stash
of drugs. They were recruited as dealers and were told to specifically
target their friends and family.

"The extent that these leeches will go to is frightening. Luring
children unsuspectingly into this sordid world is diabolical and I
fear we have hit a new low. These children, and I am concerned that we
have only just scratched the surface, are forced to break into houses
alongside having to deal drugs so that they can keep this scum in the
lavish lifestyles that they are accustomed to.

"Their children live sheltered lives away from the dangers of this
illicit trade while ours have to run the gauntlet of drugs, threat
from paramilitaries, jail and even death. This cannot be allowed to
continue. I ask the apologists for criminality what do they have to
say about this?"

Unearthed from a garden in part of Ardoyne by Teach na Fáilte case
workers was a staggering £3,500-4,000 cache of drugs, hidden in a
paint tin and accompanied with an arsenal of weapons consisting of
knives and hammers.

The weapons were for protection whilst carrying out the 'sleepers' in
case their plundering downstairs disturbed the owner, and they risked
being caught.

Concealed in the tin was three 'nine bars' worth in the region of
£3,000; two bags of cocaine; numerous bags of anti-depressants,
blood pressure tablets and high strength painkillers. There was also a
lethal concoction of powder called 'snowball', which is slipped into
certain alcoholic drinks. This substance has been blamed for the death
of a young teenage girl from the Shankill Road last week.

This cocktail of drugs was distributed within Ardoyne to children as
young as 12 right through to adults who would call and pick these
children up at pre-arranged places within the area. These teenage
dealers were instructed to 'strap' drugs to younger children who
couldn't afford to pay up front for their orders.

The result, according to North Belfast Teach Na Fáilte coordinator
Charlie Clarke is a concoction of death and destruction which is being
dished out to children as young as 12 across the Ardoyne area.

"This is extremely worrying. I think the most worrying aspect is that
the drugs we uncovered were to be sold in one week! That was just one
week's worth of debt to them. It's incredible.

"The evidence of weapons as well is worrying, as is the fact that
these teenagers are selling these pills to even younger children. If a
child took an assortment of these pills, I would have no reason to
doubt that this could result in the death or overdosing of that
child."

Mr. Clarke and Mr. Carson concluded, "We in Teach Na Fáilte would
like to appeal to parents and children to please come forward to us if
they know anything about this horrifying drug ring that is preying on
our children. We would appeal to the wider community that if you
suspect this is happening near you or to someone you know, and then
please do not wait until it is too late.

"Teach Na Fáilte can be contacted in complete confidentiality and
with the guarantee of anonymity.

"We operate the Grass Roots Justice programme, which will help you
with your problem. This can be dealt with in any of our offices
throughout the country, where our caseworkers can be contacted."

Grass Roots Justice can be contacted at any of the Teach Na Fáilte
offices by calling in or by phoning for an appointment.

All cases and discussions are completely confidential.

Teach Na Fáilte
Costello House
392A Falls Road
Belfast
Tel: 028 9023 8321

Teach Na Fáilte
Unit 8
Flax Centre
Ardoyne Avenue
Belfast
Tel: 028 9075 1705

*******

CIVILIANS IN IRAQ

A study published by the Lancet claims the risk of death by violence
for civilians in Iraq is now 58 times higher than before the US-led
invasion.

The Lancet published research by scientists from the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Public Health in the US city of Baltimore.

They gathered data on births and deaths since January 2002 from 33
clusters of 30 households each across Iraq. They found the relative
risk, the risk of deaths from any cause, was two-and-a-half times
higher for Iraqi civilians after the 2003 invasion than in the
preceding 15 months.

That figure drops to one-and-a-half times higher if data from Falluja
-– the scene of repeated heavy fighting -- is excluded.

Before the invasion, most people died as a result of heart attack,
stroke and chronic illness, the report says, whereas after the
invasion, "violence was the primary cause of death." Violent deaths
were mainly attributed to coalition forces -- and most individuals
reportedly killed were women and children. Dr Les Roberts, who led the
study, said: "Making conservative assumptions we think that about
100,000 excess deaths, or more, have happened since the 2003 invasion
of Iraq.

"Violence accounted for most of the excess deaths and air strikes from
coalition forces accounted for most of the violent deaths."

He said his team's work proved it was possible to compile data on
public health "even during periods of extreme violence".

The sample included randomly selected households in Baghdad, Basra,
Arbil, Najaf and Karbala, as well as Falluja.

Lancet editor Richard Horton said: "With the admitted benefit of
hindsight and from a purely public health perspective, it is clear
that whatever planning did take place was grievously in error."

He went on: "Democratic imperialism has led to more deaths not fewer.
This political and military failure continues to cause scores of
casualties among non-combatants."

"For the sake of a country in crisis and for a people under daily
threat of violence, the evidence we publish today must change heads as
well as pierce hearts," he said.

There is no official estimate of the number of Iraqi civilians who
have died since the outbreak of the war in Iraq.

*******

CRISIS WARNING ON SOCIAL HOUSING

A group of MPs has warned of a crisis in the supply of social housing
in Northern Ireland if urgent steps are not taken to meet rising
demand.

A report by the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee said that the
number of people waiting for social housing had increased
significantly to 27,000.

The committee said that about half of these cases were considered
urgent.

It was concerned by confusion between departments and called for a
co-ordinated regional housing strategy.

Overall impact

According to the report, there are now more than 16,000 homeless
households in Northern Ireland. The committee was especially critical
of a decision to reduce the target for new-build housing by more than
400 because of a lack of funds. However, it said that £37m was
being raised annually from record sales of Housing Executive stock,
which was being returned to the treasury. The report said that there
were promising initiatives under way in Northern Ireland, but they
were being pursued in isolation. In addition, responsibility for
housing issues ranges across at least four departments, which makes
co-ordination across government difficult.

The committee concluded that much more needs to be done to co-ordinate
policies and to assess the overall impact of the house sales scheme
and co-ownership scheme if a social housing crisis is to be avoided.
What is needed is a much more focused and co-ordinated government
delivery system for social housing. The report, by a sub-committee set
up to look at the problem, revealed that targets for building new
social housing were being missed every year. On Monday, committee
chairman Michael Mates MP said the report had found a large deficit in
the numbers of social housing.

He said: "What we uncovered was a very serious situation of rising
demand for social housing against a dramatic fall in the number of
houses available.

"Since 1979, 114,000 houses have been disposed of and this exceeds the
remaining Northern Ireland Housing Executive stock of 103,000," he
said.

"We call on the government to grip this problem with urgency and we
set out some concrete proposals to deal with this situation before
this potential crisis becomes reality." Tony Clarke MP, chairman of
the sub-committee, said: "What is needed is a much more focused and
co-ordinated government delivery system for social housing."

Story from BBC NEWS:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/northern_ireland/3951823.stm

Published: 2004/10/25 14:39:23 GMT

*******

WHAT'S ON

*

Human without rights: asylum seekers in the 21st century

An exhibition of photographs by David Levene, Guardian Newspaper

Brought to Belfast by Law Centre (NI) and Refugee Action Group as part
of Belfast Festival at Queens

At: Law Centre (NI), 124 Donegall Street, Belfast

From: Saturday 23 October to Saturday 6 November, 10 am to 4 pm

Closed: Tuesdays and Sundays

*

Public Meeting

Say no to water privatisation

Speakers: Mark Langhammer (Labour) John McAnulty (Socialist Democracy)
Jason Brannigan (Anti-water charges activist, N.Belfast) John Nixon
(Independent socialist, Armagh) Tommy McKearney (Fouthwrite magazine)

Venue: Belfast Unemployed Resource Centre, Lower Donegall Street
(beside John Hewitt Bar)

Time: 7.30pm

Date: Thursday 4th November 2004

*

Irish Labour History Conference

Please note that some titles are provisional only.

Venue ILHS HQ Beggars Bush Barracks

Dublin 4

5/6 November 2004

Friday 5 Nov 7-30pm The Irish Citizen Army

Speakers: D. R. O'Connor Lysaght: 3 strategies; White, Larkin and
Connolly

Dr. Brian Hanley (Maynooth): The struggling Phoenix: The Citizen Army
after 1916.

Sat 6 Nov 11-00 am Irish Local Gov. (Speaker to be announced)

2-00 Health: from Local Control to Health Boards

Speaker Barry Desmond (Minister of Health 1982 to 1987)

4-00pm Irish Communal Provision and it’s lack

Speakers

Dr Mary Shine Thompson (St. Pats Drumcondra): Cherished Equally? The
condition of Irish Children over the Last Century

Jackie Morrissey (UCD) Medical Ethics and the Irish Health Services
(Church, State and the Medical profession from WW1 to date)

*******

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*

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Sunday 24 October 2004

The Plough Vol 02 No 10

The Plough
Volume 2, Number 10
24 October 2004

E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1. Success for the Good Friday Agreement?
2. Gap Between the Rich and the Poor
3. From the Newspapers
4. Tax Payers?
5. Danger of Infiltration
6. Europe's Failing Economy Threatens Political Turmoil
7. What's On

*******

SUCCESS FOR THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT?

Catholics twice as likely to be unemployed

Catholics in Northern Ireland are almost twice as likely as
Protestants to be unemployed, according to the latest official figures
published. The unemployment rate for Catholics was 8.1% against a rate
of 4.3% for Protestants, the Labour Force Survey covering 2002
published by the Statistics and Research Agency showed.

In that year the religious composition of the total population aged 16
and over was 57.4% Protestant and 42.6% Catholic.

However the percentage of Catholics aged 16 and over and in employment
in 2002, the last year for which data has been collated, was 41.2%
compared to 58.8% of Protestants.

However the proportion of working age Catholics in employment rose to
61.8% compared to 56.7% in 1990. The proportion of Protestants was
71.9%.

The Labour Force Survey also showed that between 1990 and 2002,
Protestants consistently made up a higher proportion of those in
part-time employment.

In 2002 of those in part-time work -- aged 16 and over -- 59.5% were
Protestant and 40.5% Catholic.

*******

GAP BETWEEN THE RICH AND THE POOR

According to the 2004 UN Human Development Report, the 26 counties
rank third in the list of the 50 richest nations in terms of GDP per
capita.

However they rank 18th in terms of Health expenditure, 28th in terms
of Life Expectancy and 33rd in terns of Education Expenditure.
Spending on social provisions, health and education is below EU norms.
The gap between the rich and the poor has grown so much that the UN
states that the 26 counties have the highest levels of inequality of
all Western countries except the US. The richest 10 percent of the
population are 9.7 times wealthier than the poorest 10 percent. In
spite of its new found prosperity, they have the highest proportion of
people at risk of poverty in the EU. One in five Irish people are
classed as poor, taking home less than 60 percent of the average wage.
(Source: London Guardian, 7 October 2004)

*******

FROM THE NEWSPAPERS

"Allegations of Garda brutality are frequently whispered, particularly
in working class areas. Rarely, if ever, does a case come to court."
(Sunday Tribune, 17 October 2004)

"Ireland of the Welcomes has become Ireland of the Incentives, beloved
of the free marketeers and people addicted to economic statistics.
There is no sign, however that those hurt by the Savage 16 (welfare
cuts) -- the poor, disabled, mentally disabled, unemployed, victims of
violence and all the others -- are celebrating their role in Ireland's
vigorous economic boom." (Sunday Tribune, Editorial, 17 October 2004)

Prominent Fianna Fail backbencher Noel O Keefe dismissed claims that
Sinn Fein is too left wing for Fianna Fail: "It's like the Reds under
the Beds scare in the past. I certainly do not believe Sinn Fein are
Marxists –- they are not." The East Cork TD suggested that the two
parties should sit down after the next election and design a joint
programme for government. He even said he could see a day when Fianna
Fail and Sinn Fein would re-emerge repairing the 1926 split. (Sunday
Business Post, 17 October 2004)

In the 26 counties, "the richest are nearly ten times wealthier than
the poorest ten percent, and Ireland has the highest proportion of
people at risk of poverty in the EU". (Sunday Tribune, 10 October
2004)

"The Taoiseach was asked...about the difficulties encountered by
people who want to get on to the ballot paper for presidential
elections here. (there are rules which allow establishment political
parties to prevent independent candidates from running). If it was up
to him, Ahern said, he would make it harder for people to run. 'I
cannot see the point in having a large number of people on an ego trip
to find out how few votes they get' he said. ...Ahern's statement
...makes it clear that dissent or failure to bow to the official
government line... will not be tolerated. Such contempt for the
electorate is becoming more and more common. Abroad we saw it in the
decision to invade Iraq, despite worldwide opposition, while at home
we saw it in the running of the Nice Referendum twice because the
voters didn't come up with the 'correct' result the first time."
(Diarmuid Doyle, Sunday Tribune, 10 October 2004)

*******

TAX PAYERS?

A total of 391 of the highest income earners in the 26 counties either
paid a zero rate of tax or a rate of less than twenty percent. Of
these, eleven people with incomes of over one million Euros paid no
taxes at all, and a further 242 people with earnings between 100 000
and one million euros also paid no income tax. Investment schemes in
hotels, car parks, and other property schemes are the main vehicles
used by the wealthy to avoid taxation. Out of 10 828 PAYE taxpayers on
100 000 euros or more, 10 741 are liable for tax at the 42 percent
rate, 40 at the 20 percent tax rate, and 47 a nil net income tax
liability. Out of 9 240 self-employed people earning over 100 000
euros, 8936 are liable for tax at the 42 percent rate, 109 at the
standard rate and 195 no net tax liability. We will all agree with the
Labour Party’s finance spokeswoman that the unequal treatment of
taxpayers arising from the loopholes available for the wealthy is
unacceptable. "It is difficult for the ordinary taxpayer to continue
to accept a situation where people are in crisis situations on
trolleys in hospitals while some of the wealthiest in Irish society
could avoid all obligations to paying a fair share of tax." (Irish
Times, 23 October 2004) Another article in the same paper noted:
"Nobody would believe it. Patients lying on trolleys in corridors in
the 21st century in one of the richest countries in the world."

*******

DANGER OF INFILTRATION

The Dutch intelligence and security service AIVD has a problem. For
the first time ever one of its former employees is spilling the beans
in an unauthorised memoir. Fifty-eight-year old Frits Hoekstra, a
former employee of the AIVD's predecessor, the BVD or internal
security service, has published a book detailing Dutch intelligence
practices aimed at, for instance, infiltrating leftist and communist
movements in the 70s and 80s.

The AIVD is now considering legal action. One of the most interesting
chapters of the book deals with 'Project Mongol' -- a fake Maoist
party called the 'Marxist-Leninist Party of the Netherlands' that was
entirely conceived and run by the BVD itself. The purpose was to gain
insight into the influence of China on Maoist groups in Europe. The
project was so successful that the powers of the day in Beijing saw
the MLPN as the 'best' among the different Maoist fractions in the
Netherlands and received its 'chairman' with due honours. They even
gave financial support to the 'party'. According to Mr Hoekstra, the
CIA was closely involved in the operation, which ended in the late
70s. The BVD also successfully penetrated radical left-wing
organisations, especially one linked to the West-German RAF ('Rote
Armee Fraktion'), Mr Hoekstra writes in his memoirs. "We were there
all the time. We were so well positioned in the cells of that group
that we could prevent actions because of the credibility of our
source." Frits Hoekstra says that the BVD on purpose kept silent about
these operations. "We saw what happened in Germany, with special
legislation on terrorism, with the mobilisation of public opinion
against the RAF. We tried to prevent that kind of hysteria or even
psychosis here in the Netherlands." (Note: A solidarity movement with
Irish republicans was also heavily infiltrated as late as 1991.)

*******

EUROPE'S FAILING ECONOMY THREATENS POLITICAL TURMOIL

Europe's economy is performing so badly that there is a threat to the
EU's continued existence, according to a leaked official report.

The draft report, drawn up by a high-level committee of experts
appointed by EU leaders, and chaired by Wim Kok, the former Dutch
prime minister, is hard-hitting.

It says that the so-called Lisbon agenda adopted by EU leaders four
years ago to make the European economy more flexible and
entrepreneurial, is failing. Many of its targets, intended to be
achieved by 2010, will be "seriously missed", the report says.

"In sum, Europe has lost ground to both the US and Asia; its societies
are under strain; and some ugly political forces are beginning to
manifest themselves," it says.

The draft report warns that the implications of this economic failure
could be devastating for Europe. "What is at risk in the medium to
long run is nothing less than the sustainability of the society Europe
has built, and to that extent, the viability of its civilisation," it
says.

"If Europe cannot adapt...(its) ageing working population will be
unable to sustain the cost of maintaining pensions to Europe's growing
army of pensioners, economic growth will stagnate; institutions will
be faced with contraction and decline."

It also warns that the enlargement of the EU into Eastern Europe will
cause serious difficulties if there is not an improvement in economic
performance.

"Their low tax and wage rates attracting inward investment from the
rest of the EU are likely to be a source of growing friction," it
says. "Unless there is some prospect of convergence so that the EU
becomes a genuinely single economy with broadly similar levels of
wages and productivity, these tensions will mount."

The Lisbon agenda, adopted in March 2000, was hailed by Tony Blair as
a turning point for the EU economy. But Gordon Brown has been warning
recently that Europe is failing to respond to the global economic
challenge.

Neil O'Brien, a spokesman for Britain's Vote No campaign, said: "This
report shows how hard it will be for Tony Blair to sell the European
constitution to the British people."

The 13-member group of experts was appointed in April with the aim of
injecting "renewed stimulus into the Lisbon strategy". Its draft
report warns against further red tape and regulation. "There is now a
growing feeling among Europe's business community that a tipping point
has been reached in which any gains from incremental regulation are
outweighed by the costs."

But it also stops well short of recommending "Anglo-Saxon" style
reforms. Labour market flexibility, it says, should not be seen
"as code for weakening worker rights and protections".

It also calls for "the harmonisation of the corporate tax base
throughout the union". Immigration should be encouraged to offset
the "brain drain" out of the EU.

Among the targets the committee says will not be met are raising the
EU's overall employment rate to 70% and the rate for women to 60%.
(David Smith, Economics Editor, London Times, October 17, 2004)

*******

WHAT'S ON

*

Human without rights: asylum seekers in the 21st century

An exhibition of photographs by David Levene, Guardian Newspaper

Brought to Belfast by Law Centre (NI) and Refugee Action Group as part
of Belfast Festival at Queens

At: Law Centre (NI), 124 Donegall Street, Belfast

From: Saturday 23 October to Saturday 6 November, 10 am to 4 pm

Closed: Tuesdays and Sundays

*

Tuesday, 26th October, lunchtime 1.00pm-2.00pm

The following speaker, a Jewish campaigner for Palestinian rights,
will be speaking at an event at Queens University, Belfast (details to
be confirmed) at lunchtime 1.00pm-2.00pm on Tuesday 26th October.
Please take a note of it for your diaries.

Book launch and talk by Adah Kay, co-author of "Stolen Youth -- The
Politics of Israel's Detention of Palestinian Children"

The Palestine Solidarity Campaign and Queens University 'Friends of
Palestine' are proud to announce Adah Kay, co-author of "Stolen Youth
-- The Politics of Israel's Detention of Palestinian Children" who
will speak about Palestinian children including child prisoners and
the effects the Israeli occupation is having on them. Stolen Youth is
the first book to explore Israel's incarceration of Palestinian
children. Based on first-hand information from international human
rights groups and NGO workers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, it also
features interviews with children who have been imprisoned. The result
is a disturbing and often shocking account of the abuses that are
being carried out by Israel, and that have been widely documented by
human rights groups such as Amnesty International, but have never been
addressed by the international community.

The book presents a critical analysis of the international legal
framework and the UN system, arguing that a major failure of these
institutions is their appeal to neutrality while ignoring the reality
of power. The book offers an explanation for these failures by
locating the issue of Palestinian child prisoners within the framework
of the Israeli overall system of control as a long-term political
strategy.

Adah is the daughter of Jewish refugees. Since 1967 she has opposed
the Israeli occupation. Some years ago she and her husband decided to
go and live in the West Bank to see how they could contribute more
directly. They went in 2002 when Adah volunteered with Defence for
Children International(Palestine Section) and co-wrote "Stolen Youth"
on Palestinian child prisoners. Adah now divides her time between the
UK and the West Bank. She spends much of her time in the West Bank
doing research, writing and workingwith children's NGOs.

Adah trained as a social anthropologist and urban planner. She is
currently Visiting Professor in the Centre for Charity Effectiveness,
City University London. Between 1978-86 she was Senior Research Fellow
and Co-Director of the Housing Research Group at the City University
and then for ten years was Chief Executive of Family Service Units a
national UK NGO that works with families and children.

*

Halloween Party at the Cumann Ceoil an Chaisleáin

Cumann Ceoil an Chaisleáin/The Castle Folk Club

The John Hewitt Bar

Next Sunday 31st October 2004

With Donegal Super Group "Beyond The Pale"

"Beyond The Pale" are remembered as being legendary gigs at folk
festivals and parties throughout Ireland and Scotland playing to
audiences as far north as Stornaway in the Outer Hebrides. A Celtic
Blues-come-Country and Traditional band they fall into a unique niche,
mixing influences as diverse as The Waterboys, The Pogues and even
Johnny Cash.

If you like your music lively come along and enjoy the experience and
let "Beyond The Pale" take you to Beyond The Pale.

The Line Up:

Mervyn is the lead vocalist and rhythm guitarist. He comes from a jazz
and blues background.

Suzanne is the fiddle player. She is classically trained and has
amazing ability beyond her young years. She plays in the Ulster
Orchestra and teaches music in her spare time.

Lenny plays percussion, flute, whistle, bodhran and anything you might
have a in your handbag! Lenny has played Glastonbury on many
occasions.

Chris spent a lifetime playing professionally throughout the United
States; he doubles on bass and guitar and has a great voice.

*******

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Teach Na Failte Memorial Committees - A new 2004 full colour glossy
calendar is available now on the RSM online shop. It celebrates the
brilliant work undertaken by the Teach Na Failte Memorial Committees
this past year throughout the six counties with full colour
photographs on each page. This calendar can be viewed online by
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http://www.cafeshops.com/rsmshop.8844526

*

Support the IRSP

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Please pay First Trust Bank Andersonstown Branch, Belfast, and credit
to Irish Republican Socialist Party, A/C Number 70490021, Branch Code
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Sunday 17 October 2004

The Plough Vol 02 No 09

The Plough
Volume 2, Number 9
17 October 2004

E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1. Editorial
2. A Homage to Seamus Costello
3. The Water Tax Campaign
4. Polemics with Socialist Democracy
5. What's On

*******

EDITORIAL

On the 10th anniversary of the loyalist ceasefire the UDA, an
organisation founded on hatred of Catholics, a tool of British
Intelligence and the RUC Special Branch, and in internal turmoil,
issued a statement saying it was drawing an Orange line around
Protestant areas. This is against a background where they allege there
is an ethnic cleansing policy being waged by republicans against
Protestant areas. Of course the reality is different. It is in areas
under the control of the UDA and/or UVF that there are attacks on
members of minority communities -- Chinese, Pakistani, Indian,
Hungarian, Polish, Ukrainian, Romanian; all have come under violent
attacks from the unionist paramilitaries. That is why there is a
vibrant anti-racist campaign in the North of Ireland at the moment.
The IRSP support that campaign and we are encouraging our membership
to ensure that any racist attitudes that are expressed where we have
influence and membership shall be challenged. We know there are racist
attitudes within both the unionist and nationalist populations.

Externally there has been since the loyalist ceasefires a persistence
of attacks on Catholics and nationalists. Sometimes they flare up
during the marching season but they have been continuous almost since
the foundation of the six county state. These attacks are tolerated by
unionist politicians and ignored by the British government. Now the
Frankenstein monster that both these groups created, the UDA/UFF, are
getting out of control.

The UDA can't be allowed to exert control over huge areas of working
class life. Their statement about Orange lines is not about preventing
attacks, it is about exerting apartheid-like control over Protestant
districts. The trade union sector, the community sector, the voluntary
sector all must unite to resist this fascism.

For our part we can state confidently that working class people living
in areas under UDA control have nothing to fear from the Republican
Socialist Movement. Their greatest threat comes from the thugs and
drug dealers of the UDA.

*******

A HOMAGE TO SEAMUS COSTELLO

Friends and comrades, once more we gather to pay homage to Seamus
Costello, republican, socialist, revolutionary. Seamus in life was a
giant of a man politically. He stood out among his contemporaries for
his belief, energy, ideas, and charisma. In death he stands out for us
as an icon, a hero to emulate and a leader to mourn. As founder member
of the IRSP and the INLA he played his part in ensuring that the
authentic ideas of republican socialism would endure. The ideas of
Connolly and Mellows, the radical tradition of the Republican
Congress, and the more progressive ideas of the Republican Movement
were all encapsulated in the person of Seamus Costello.

But in paying tribute to Seamus we do not make the mistake of mindless
hero-worshipping. Irish republicanism has played a progressive role in
Irish society because of its ability to renew itself in each
generation and become relevant to the lives of the people from which
it had sprung. Seamus Costello was a catalyst in renewing the
republican tradition in the latter part of the 20th century. Seamus
played a major part in convincing many in the mainstream Republican
Movement that the time for clichés, flags, and faded memories of
old men was long past.

He pointed the way by standing for elections, taking his seat, playing
a full part in the community he came from while never forgetting the
national question and the crime of partition. Seamus saw a role for an
army of the people prepared to both defend the interests of the
working class whilst also prepared to challenge imperialism and its
hold over the whole of Irish society.

That is what we must learn from the leadership of Seamus: the ability
to adapt, to renew, and to avoid becoming stuck in the old ways. After
all the world he lived in has all but disappeared. The Soviet bloc no
longer exists, there is only one super-power, the Officials have
become irrelevant while the Provos of the seventies are but a distant
memory and dreams of the year of victory have become replaced with
that 'radical' revolutionary cry: implement the Good Friday
Agreement!

Those who claimed to have smashed the old Stormont now want to rebuild
it and look forward to working in a coaliation with the party of
Paisley. So much for the strategy of fragmenting unionism.

I wonder what Seamus would have made of it all?

Internally he would have been disappointed at the way his movement
lost its way in the aftermath of his death, particularly in the
eighties and early nineties. Since 1995 we have painfully examined our
past failures, held our hands up to past mistakes, and have taken this
movement back to the ideals, ideas, and beliefs that first motivated
Seamus and his fellow comrades to set up this movement. We have tried
to instil confidence, self-respect, loyalty to the movement, and a
fundamental belief in the primacy of politics. These attributes go to
the very heart of our ideology. Confidence in the class, self-respect
for our values of socialism, loyalty to our own movement but not
uncritical loyalty, and of course the primacy of politics.

But Seamus would not have been satisfied with just that. There is so
much more to be done. A huge emphasis must be placed by the incoming
leadership of this movement on political education, on activity, on
discipline, on democracy, and on being revolutionary agitators.

The days of the loud mouth in the pub are gone. The days of using this
movement as a flag of convenience for personal gain are gone. The days
of bullying working class youth are gone. The days of policing working
class communities are gone.

Those things were never on the agenda of the Republican Socialist
Movement but unfortunately some scum floated towards the top of this
movement in the past aided by the British. Their day is done.

Republican socialists must be servants not masters of the working
class. That's what we are about: taking the message of liberation, of
class struggle, of republicanism to the vast majority of people on
this island.

Externally I have no doubt that Seamus would have continued to be
anti-imperialist and socialist and republican. Seamus had beliefs. Not
interests.

Seamus's advocacy of the broad front was premised on the belief that
the coming together of radical and progressive forces was in the
interests of the Irish working class. Not for him or any republican
that adhered to Connolly socialism a reactionary alliance with the
most conservative forces in Irish Society. For how else can you
categorise the pan-nationalist front of Sinn Fein (Provisional), the
SDLP, and the coaliation of Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats:
an alliance with the every people who demonised republicans, who split
with gold the Republican Movement, who supported the most repressive
laws against republicans, who framed our comrades over the Sallins
affair, and persistently and consistently demonise this movement?

What republican in the tradition of Tone can accept an agreement that
reduces the anti-imperialist conflict of over two centuries to a
sordid little sectarian war between two "communities", for by signing
the GFA the signatories accepted the internal conflict argument that
British imperialism had been promoting for years: that the conflict in
Ireland was religious. The Good Friday Agreement has led to increased
sectarianism as the working classes are pressured into identifying
with the two sectarian blocs. Partition has been solidified.

We reject the notion that there are two separate divided communities.
Republican socialists reject the two community approach. There is one
community and a divided working class and while elements of that self
same working class clash those who benefit from the divisions of the
working class pocket their profits and come July jet off to quieter
and sunnier climates.

Was that what the conflict was about? That is no victory, nor indeed
an honourable draw. That was a crushing defeat for the progressive
forces in Ireland. Was it for this that men and women sacrificed the
best years of their lives in struggle, in prison, in exile, and in
death?

Is it not time to call a halt to the endless round of talks about
talks about talks especially when the two main groups can not even
meet in the same room?

What kind of government can work when the leading partners don't even
talk to each other? And in relation to parliamentarism Seamus had it
right when he said, "Before the Republican Movement can achieve power,
we must succeed in breaking the confidence of the people in the
existing parliamentary institutions, and I would suggest that this
should be one of the main functions of our TDs. They should also be
full time revolutionary organisers in their own areas, thereby
demonstrating to the people who elected them the fundamental
difference between ourselves and the other parties."

Don't misunderstand what we are saying. The IRSP with the full support
of the INLA are in favour of dialogue. We emphatically re-state that
armed struggle is not the way forward today. That road may lead
somewhere but most assuredly not to the Republic. Yes, dialogue is
possible, but not with those who think we are lesser human beings. Why
should republicans seek to be talked to by right wing bigots of the
DUP? They don't represent the real interests of any section of the
working class. Let's reach out to the working class on the basis of
principled political positions not for temporary expediency.

Seamus Costello, a man before his time, pointed the way forward, and I
quote, "We maintain that any co-operation with the Protestant working
class must be on the basis of a principled political position. It must
be on the basis of explaining fully to the Protestant working class
what all our policies are. We must try and politicise them,
simultaneously with conducting a political campaign to get rid of
Britain."

There is no permanent solution possible that envisages the continued
existence of the sectarian six county state. Those who pretend
otherwise fool not only others but themselves.

Unless and until the six county state is either totally abolished or
totally transformed, sectarianism will dominate politics here and the
imperialists can continue to present our conflict as a religious
struggle.

Well, my friends, it is not. It is a political conflict against the
imperialist imposition of foreign rule on any part of this island.

Similarly the conflict in Iraq is not about fundamentalist Muslim
terrorism but about the imperialist exploitation of the resources of
Iraq. Those who are against that war should have a simple clearly
understood slogan for the British and US invaders: "Out of Iraq, Out
of Ireland." Any other position ignores the reality of the naked
brutal power of imperialism and lets them off the hook.

To those on the left who merely raise the slogan "Stop the War," catch
yourselves on. It is only by a consistent and principled opposition to
all forms of imperialism that wars can be ended. The bounden duty of
the left is not to patronise liberal opinion with platitudes but to
stand by the anti-imperialist fighters and extend critical support to
progressive anti-imperialist fighters. And it that offends the liberal
classes, well, tough.

Nobody, especially not an administration of Brits, whose hands are
covered with the blood of thousands of innocent Iraqis, has the right
to call republicans, who oppose their claim to rule this island,
criminals. We are not and we never have been terrorists. Seamus
Costello was a freedom fighter, patriot, anti-imperialist, and
socialist.

So it is only right to express our full solidarity with current
republican political prisoners in Maghaberry and reiterate our call
for the immediate release of Dessie O'Hare and the other qualifying
republican prisoners arising from the Belfast Agreement. We make no
distinction between different republican groupings when it comes to
solidarity with republican prisoners. Do not forget there would be no
republican prisoners in jails if there was a final settlement to the
national question. And so long as the national question is unsettled
then so will there be republicans who will wage a struggle to
establish a Republic on the island for all the people of the island.

But, comrades, while we right emphasise the so-called bigger picture
of the political dispensation we must never forget the day to day
struggles of working people. We need to take the ideals of socialism
out of the realms of discussion and manifestos and elections and make
them directly relevant to our underprivileged communities. Poor
health, low wages, substandard housing, class-based education
services, crime, and anti-social behaviour are neither republican nor
loyalist, Catholic or Protestant, North or South, six or 26 county
issues. They are class issues and affect us all. We need to arouse in
our class the spirit of fraternity. That's the way to take on the
symptoms of neo-liberal capitalism: sectarianism, racism, sexism,
homophobia, anti-social behaviour, alienation, poverty, drug abuse,
and self-destruction. A real movement built on the values of
fraternity, solidarity, cooperation, and democracy will crumble away
these barriers to freedom in Ireland.

Our movement to be relevant must update its republican socialism. Too
close a concentration on the national question and an unquestioning
approach to the nature of imperialism in Ireland has distorted and
held back the struggle for socialism in Ireland and also incidentally
is the antithesis of the approach that Seamus would have taken.

From this platform today, may I appeal to all those progressive
republicans, republican socialists, or Connolly socialists to do as
Seamus did, get involved in the day-to-day activities of the class.

It's fine and useful to reminisce about the past, to write the
histories, to tell the tales of past heroic deeds, but, comrades, it
does not challenge the future.

These are glorious days to be alive and see the stirrings of class
struggle in the world. There is a growing anti-imperialism worldwide:
in Iraq, Nepal, the Phillippines, Pakistan, India, Venezuela, Bolivia,
and the former Stalinist states, the working class is moving into
battle. Now ask how you can aid this struggle. Everyone has something
to contribute no matter how small. Participate in your union branch,
join or set up a community group in your area to organise people,
protest, agitate, organise. Remember, to beat the system, you do need
comrades. From this platform we appeal to all genuine republican
socialists.

Look around at the world we actually live in and I defy you not to be
angry at the injustice and inequality and not have the wish to change
things. There are enough resources in our world to feed and clothe
everyone. Yet every day thousands die from disease, famine, and
hunger. Why? Because of capitalism.

We have called in the past for the convening of a Republican Forum
where republicans and socialists of all hues can dialogue together to
map out a way forward for the future. That's in the tradition of
Seamus Costello's call for a broad front and building anti-imperialist
unity. But we recognise that many on the left think they can go it
alone and don't need to relate to any section of the republican left.

It will be part of our task to persuade not only the left but the
working class, by the things we do, by the actions we take, by the
examples we set, by the calibre of the comrades we attract to our
banner of the Starry Plough, that there is merit in working together.

For, comrades, many people still harbour illusions that Sinn Fein in
government North and South can make a difference to the social and
economic conditions in this country. They can not. They will not. At
best they may put a more human face on capitalism but it will still be
capitalism and that's a system that exploits, brutalises, and also is
destroying the world. It itself needs to be destroyed, not reformed.

Let us follow that example of Seamus Costello. Stand with the
marginalised, the downtrodden, the victims, the poor, and all who are
voiceless in the modern Ireland. Strive for equality, solidarity,
working class unity, human rights, and justice for all. Let us daily
work towards the socialist republic. In the end that's the only
fitting memorial to all our dead comrades, Seamus included.

Comrades, there is much work to be done. Let's do it.

Thank you.

(G. Ruddy, Ard-Chomhairle Member, IRSP)

*******

THE WATER TAX CAMPAIGN

Derry IRSP Call On Politicians To: Stand Up & Be Counted!

The Derry Irish Republican Socialist Party has called on those elected
representatives of district councils who reject any forthcoming
introduction of a water tax as outlined by British government to
"stand up and be counted."

Spokesperson for the IRSP in Derry Yvonne Dalton said, "The majority
of working class people are already subjected to borderline poverty,
now communities will be forced to endure further hardships whilst
attempting to cough-up several hundred pounds in order to cover the
costs of this tax.

"We call on elected representatives of Derry City Council as well as
all the district councils whose members have already stated that they
are opposed to the water tax to make their positions clear, to stand
up and be counted. We have received many calls and enquiries with
regards to the possibility of a community based opposition to this tax
and we fully believe that there is a strong possibility that as a
defiant campaign gathers strength; things may just go to the wall. In
that we mean households having their water cut off, court summons and
even imprisonment for non-payment. This is far from whipping up
hysteria, in fact this is what working class households are examining
in the cold light of day when debating just how they or their
neighbours will deal with this tax.

"As republican socialists, our party will be calling on our class to
defeat this form of double-taxation by widespread non-payment and
direct action and clearly drawing upon the experiences learned from
similar struggles such as the anti-poll tax campaigns throughout
England, Scotland and Wales and the ongoing campaign against the bin
tax in Dublin."

Concluding, "There is also a real fear, that with any reintroduction
of Stormont rule public representatives throughout the occupied six
counties will merely continue to go with the flow and follow on with
current British government policy and guidelines. We have already
witnessed this happening on many occasions in the past when Stormont
was previously up and running, but are we going to have politicians
simply shrugging their shoulders and saying, 'look this has been
already made policy, and we're just doing our job'? This type of
behaviour just won't wash when things start to heat up and that is why
we are asking them now, who will stand up with the poorest people in
this society and be counted?"

*******

POLEMICS WITH SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY

In The Plough Vol. 2-No. 5 we carried our response to criticisms made
by John McAnulty (Socialist Democracy) against the IRSP. Since then we
have learned about a response made by SD to our comments. Below we
carry that response. However so as not to bore our readers -- for we
recognise many find these small matters boring –- we have
interjected our responses to the comments.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
In response to your open letter.

John Martin is correct to note that I was asked two questions about
the IRSP and one about unity and answered the question about unity
with only a footnote about the IRSP.

There's a reason for that. I responded to the question about
revolutionary re-groupment because I felt that any discussion of it
was important and that it might be of some help if my own organisation
presented its view of the state of the working class and of the issues
around which re-groupment could take place. On the other hand my views
of the nature of the IRSP are neither here nor there and discussion of
them is not going to advance the cause of the working class one iota.

IRSP
----
I take it by this John means that discussion on his views will not
advance the cause of the working class. A fair point.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
The IRSP response confirms all my fears about the dog's dinner of
abuse such a discussion would entail.

IRSP
----
Where is the abuse except in John's comments?

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
It also confirms all my suspicions about the nature of the
organisation.

IRSP
----
What does his suspicions about the nature of our organisation mean?
You really can't leave things like that hang in the air, John.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
To restate again the main content of my letter. I believe that a
republican regroupment that will lead the next stage of a working
class fightback is unlikely. I believe this because, despite the time
that has passed since the first republican ceasefire and the six years
of active Provisional republican attempts to support the stabilisation
of the British colony in the North, the political opposition has
remained that of a tiny minority and it has failed to develop a
political alternative. The main cause of that failure is the refusal
of the republican political resistance to agree opposition to the Good
Friday Agreement and social partnership as the political basis for a
fightback.

IRSP
----
John here lays his political position clearly on the table and for
that we should all be grateful. It is clearly the position of
Socialist Democracy and probably represents the views also of Tommy
McKearney. Mind you this political position has never been put to the
IRSP face to face because like a lot of the small Trotskyite sects
they preach to those they disagree with but never actually listen or
engage in real meaningful dialogue with them. For the record Socialist
Democracy has never meet with the IRSP nor sought to meet with us.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
If this analysis is correct then it is of some significance. The tasks
that would arise if there were the possibility of a relatively rapid
and large-scale growth of a political resistance are quite different
from those where we are looking for the 'primitive accumulation' of
relatively small groups of revolutionaries and the hesitant growth of
independent working-class organisation and action.

What has John Martin to say about this?

Next to nothing!

IRSP
----
A careful reading of the above text shows a reliance on "ifs" and
"woulds." Really, John, get a grip! Just like the SWP you think that
every little ripple of activity such as the anti-war movement heralds
the first stages of the proletariat revolution. In relation to the
question of social partnership in the South there is still a big job
in persuading workers that in the long term it is against their
interests, and in case you had not noticed there was a very large vote
for pro-GFA candidates in the North, regrettably so.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
"We support such moves" (towards unity) he says, but is this form of
unity likely? What would be the political basis for unity? He argues
with some heat that his organisation opposes the GFA and "have taken
our arguments into as many areas and people as possible" so the
implication would be that opposition to the GFA would be the basis of
unity.

IRSP
----
There is no such implication. Our position against the GFA is
independent of any realignment or regrouping.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
That's not my experience.

I remember early discussions with republicans following the
establishment of the Stormont assembly around the questions of
elections. The usual issues of participation, boycott and abstention
from the new assembly were discussed. The leadership of the IRSP was
quite clearly of the view that the assembly could be used to make
political gains. A strange opposition that does not call for the
downfall of the chief mechanism on which the GFA rested!

IRSP
----
John remembers well. Unfortunately he does not evidence his memory,
quote documents or papers. We have only his word for it. But even if
what he alleges is true, so what? Comrade, go back and read Lenin on
the whole issue of participation in the Duma in imperial Russia.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
The early attempts to build a united opposition centred on the
Fourthwrite group.

IRSP
----
This is the first we ever heard of this. So Fourthwrite was an effort
to build a united opposition? If it was it had nothing what so ever to
do with the IRSP and it is a funny effort that leaves out the largest
anti-GFA group.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
It then split with The Blanket on the issue of The Blanket's refusal
to accept that we should have a common policy, essential if a
political opposition to the GFA were to emerge. The IRSP member went
with The Blanket group!

IRSP
----
My understanding of the reasons for the split was that those with the
Fourthwrite group wanted to form a party. But we were not involved so
it is up to those who were involved to clarify that for themselves.

As regards the IRSP member, Liam O'Ruairc, he was not representing the
IRSP in Fourthwrite, never pretended to and does not represent the
IRSP on The Blanket. He is there as a republican writer.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
Up until recently a leading member of the IRSP was also a leading
figure in my union. I am totally unaware of any occasion on which he
brought the issue of the GFA into the union, although I gave him a
number of opportunities to support my interventions on the issue. I
then stood for the executive committee of the union on a platform of
opposition to social partnership and the GFA. The IRSP response was to
run a campaign in the union in support of a member of the Socialist
Party who was also standing. I was not surprised. My understanding was
that both the SP and IRSP opposed bringing up the issue of the GFA
inside the union and that both had a policy of uniting with the trade
union bureaucracy who were implementing the policy of social
partnership rather than campaigning against them.

IRSP
----
This is, of course, nonsense and scarcely deserves a reply. However,
Gerry Ruddy, an IRSP member, was on the executive of the INTO and
indeed did support Mary Cahillane instead of John McAnulty on the
basis that it was a union election. Mary had a better understanding of
the issues affecting teachers, opposed the bureaucracy and was not a
single-issue candidate as John was. Incidentally John announced he was
standing without prior consultation with any of the left activists in
the union. Pre-emptive strikes don't always work, John. Try talking to
other socialists before setting out on a road that diminishes respect
for the left. The paltry vote you received weakened your whole
arguments.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
My experience is that the IRSP, to an even greater degree than most of
the republican groups, opposed making opposition to the GFA the basis
for united political action.

IRSP
----
Where is the evidence for this outrageous statement?

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
Even if we were to jump over the little hurdle of uniting without
having anything to politically agree about there would still be an
outstanding problem –- that of the IRSP's history. John Martin may
well "not regard as feuding" the bloodbaths that occurred inside his
movement and prefer to see it as "re-asserting the primacy of
politics." I can assure him that not only Socialist Democracy, but
also the majority of the Irish left and of Irish republicanism, have a
different view both of this and of the history of the INLA overall.

IRSP
----
I would be interested in what John's different view is. For the record
the Provisional IRA have killed more people in feuds that the INLA.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
Finally there is John Martin's comment about "the hurler on the
ditch." This is a standard rant against socialists, based on the
republican militarist assertion that there were two struggles -–
the real struggle of the armed groups and the lesser struggle of the
socialists, political activists and, indeed, the whole mass of the
Irish working class.

IRSP
----
That is a totally wrong interpretation of what is meant by the hurler
on the ditch comment. It is not macho posturing and no one has done
more to oppose militarism and machismos than the current leadership of
the whole Republican Socialist Movement. Let me quote you what
Ard-Chomhairle member G. Ruddy said to a meeting of Marxists in
Barcelona in August on this every issue:

"We have fought this struggle against British imperialism over the
past thirty years. During the course of that struggle, which involved
mass struggle, armed struggle, and mobilisations in the streets, our
comrades have been gassed, burned, arrested, tortured and murdered.

"The signing of the Good Friday Agreement was a defeat for Irish
republicanism and for anti-imperialism. The so-called peace process is
not a peace process, but a pacification process. The blame for that
pacification -– for that defeat -– rests squarely on the
shoulders of us Republicans who failed to take a class orientation."

and

"The lesson that we have learned from our own experience is this:
Where there is an anti-imperialist struggle it is the bounden duty of
Marxists and revolutionaries to give that struggle its support by
giving credible analysis as well.

"As an internationalist and as a revolutionary movement, our movement
sees itself as part of an international struggle and where comrades
are involved in a life or death struggle it is our bounden duty to
assist in whatever way we can, while at the same time retaining our
critical faculty.

"Too often in the past not only did we receive conflict resolution
researchers but also academic Marxists who came to tell us how to wage
our struggle. The reality of revolution is that you deal with human
material and none of us are perfect and get it right all the time. So
we made mistakes and no doubt we will make future mistakes but because
we have a clear class position in Ireland which is this: the
liberation of Ireland is a duty and a responsibility which can only be
carried out by the Irish working class who, as comrade James Connolly
said, are the incorruptible inheritors of the fight for Irish
freedom."

The hurler on the ditch comment was about those who fail to engage
with anti-imperialists. Socialist Democracy picks and choose which
anti-imperialists to engage with. I repeat what I have already written
before. Socialist Democracy has never engaged with the IRSP and I
write as both General Secretary and Political Secretary for more that
13 years.

I do remember the time when the internationalist tendency with which I
presume Socialist Democracy is still associated with interviewed and
engaged with socialist republicans in the early seventies. Indeed they
interviewed leading republicans and published those interviews. They
travelled from as far away as the USA to do those interviews and to
carry their message of Marxism and internationalism to the radical
republicans then. Socialist Democracy today it seems can't even be
bothered to take a Falls Road taxi to 392 Falls Road and dialogue.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
My response is a shrug of contempt.

IRSP
----
Now it appears that tendency has only contempt for us. That is sad.
Sad for the whole of the left for why would the mass of the working
class place their faith trust and lives in the hands of those who only
reserve their contempt for those they are close to politically?

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
If I and the members of Socialist Democracy represent some lesser
breed of revolutionary why are you sending me open letters?

IRSP
----
These terms of abuse are yours not ours. The reason for the open
letter in the first place was that you wrongly in my view published
private correspondence without permission and in your answer made
incorrect statements about the IRSP. Hence the necessity for the open
letter.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
What could you possibly have to say to me or I to you?

IRSP
----
This is a political response from the IRSP not an individual one. So
the Socialist Democracy should drop the "I and me" crap they are using
to try turn this into some personal dispute. There are clear political
issues here and they need to be addressed.

Socialist Democracy
-------------------
Our belief was, and is, that only a mass mobilization of the working
class could possibly confront imperialism successfully. The history of
the armed groups and their political representatives would appear to
confirm our view.

I presume this closes the correspondence.

John McAnulty.


IRSP
----
Not yet it doesn't.

Now for the points that Socialist Democracy was asked by the IRSP to
address:

"As SD did not exist in 1974 who exactly were involved in discussions
with the IRSP? Perhaps John for the sake of historical accuracy could
elaborate?"

Answer: nothing.

"Has John read the Ta Power document?"

Answer: nothing.

"To facilitate him gaining information we are quite prepared to
arrange for Socialist Democracy to meet with five of our rank and file
members provided Socialist Democracy allow us the same access to their
membership."

Response: contempt.

Response: nothing.

*******

WHAT'S ON

*

Human without rights: asylum seekers in the 21st century

An exhibition of photographs by David Levene, Guardian Newspaper

Brought to Belfast by Law Centre (NI) and Refugee Action Group as part
of Belfast Festival at Queens

At: Law Centre (NI), 124 Donegall Street, Belfast

From: Saturday 23 October to Saturday 6 November, 10 am to 4 pm

Closed: Tuesdays and Sundays

*

Tuesday, 26th October, lunchtime 1.00pm-2.00pm

The following speaker, a Jewish campaigner for Palestinian rights,
will be speaking at an event at Queens University, Belfast (details to
be confirmed) at lunchtime 1.00pm-2.00pm on Tuesday 26th October.
Please take a note of it for your diaries.

Book launch and talk by Adah Kay, co-author of "Stolen Youth -- The
Politics of Israel's Detention of Palestinian Children"

The Palestine Solidarity Campaign and Queens University 'Friends of
Palestine' are proud to announce Adah Kay, co-author of "Stolen Youth
-- The Politics of Israel's Detention of Palestinian Children" who
will speak about Palestinian children including child prisoners and
the effects the Israeli occupation is having on them. Stolen Youth is
the first book to explore Israel's incarceration of Palestinian
children. Based on first-hand information from international human
rights groups and NGO workers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, it also
features interviews with children who have been imprisoned. The result
is a disturbing and often shocking account of the abuses that are
being carried out by Israel, and that have been widely documented by
human rights groups such as Amnesty International, but have never been
addressed by the international community.

The book presents a critical analysis of the international legal
framework and the UN system, arguing that a major failure of these
institutions is their appeal to neutrality while ignoring the reality
of power. The book offers an explanation for these failures by
locating the issue of Palestinian child prisoners within the framework
of the Israeli overall system of control as a long-term political
strategy.

Adah is the daughter of Jewish refugees. Since 1967 she has opposed
the Israeli occupation. Some years ago she and her husband decided to
go and live in the West Bank to see how they could contribute more
directly. They went in 2002 when Adah volunteered with Defence for
Children International(Palestine Section) and co-wrote "Stolen Youth"
on Palestinian child prisoners. Adah now divides her time between the
UK and the West Bank. She spends much of her time in the West Bank
doing research, writing and workingwith children's NGOs.

Adah trained as a social anthropologist and urban planner. She is
currently Visiting Professor in the Centre for Charity Effectiveness,
City University London. Between 1978-86 she was Senior Research Fellow
and Co-Director of the Housing Research Group at the City University
and then for ten years was Chief Executive of Family Service Units a
national UK NGO that works with families and children.

*******

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*

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Saturday 9 October 2004

The Plough Vol 02 No 08

The Plough
Volume 2, Number 8
9 October 2004

E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

*******

Seamus Costello Commemoration

Assemble 1pm, Sunday, 10th October, Town Hall, Bray for March to
Little Bray Churchyard.

Organised by the Irish Republican Socialist Movement.

ALL REPUBLICAN SOCIALISTS TO ATTEND

*******

1. Child Death Rate Rises in Iraq
2. Free Seamus Doherty Campaign
3. Boycott Update
4. Letters
a. Republican Unity?
b. Stop Sharon's Partner-in-Crime from Visiting South Africa
5. What's On

*******

CHILD DEATH RATE RISES IN IRAQ

Associated Press
October 8, 2004

One in four children in Sierra Leone dies before age 5, and one in 10
in Iraq.

Across the globe, poor care for newborns, malaria, diarrhoea,
malnutrition and even measles kill children before their fifth
birthday, according to a new UN report.

The United Nations Children's Fund reported "alarmingly slow progress
on reducing child deaths": One in 12 children worldwide doesn't make
it to age 5, with half of all under-5 deaths in sub-Saharan Africa.

"It is incredible that in an age of technological and medical marvels,
child survival is so tenuous in so many places, especially for the
poor and marginalised," said UNICEF director Carol Bellamy, launching
the report.

Child mortality refers to the number of children who die before their
fifth birthday, and is measured per 1,000 live births.

In 2002, industrialised countries had 7 deaths per 1,000 births, while
the poorest nations had 158 in every 1,000 births. The UNICEF study is
a report card on whether countries are fulfilling a goal adopted by
world leaders at the UN Millennium Summit in 2000 which calls for
child mortality to be reduced by two-thirds by 2015.

Iraq, which has lost two wars since 1991 and was under UN sanctions
for over a decade, lost the most ground of any nation.

It was the only country in the Middle East and North Africa where the
child mortality rate increased from 1990 to 2002. One in 10 Iraqi
children under 5 died in 2002 while in 1990 the rate was one in 20.

In more than a third of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, child
mortality rates have increased or stagnated, the report said.

The 10 countries with the most under-5 deaths since 2002 were Sierra
Leone with 284 per 1,000 births, Niger 265, Angola 260, Afghanistan
257, Somalia 225, Haiti 222, Guinea-Bissau 211, Burkina Faso 202, and
Congo 205.

Despite Afghanistan's tumultuous path in the last decade, it slightly
reduced the number of deaths of the very young: 260 per 1,000 in 1990,
to 257 in 2002, but it has a long way to go to reach the 2015 goal of
85 per 1,000 births.

Its rate was also far higher than other Asian countries. Pakistan had
107, India 93, and Sri Lanka the fewest number of under-5 deaths in
Asia with 19 per 1,000, the study reported.

HIV/AIDS was a major obstacle in reducing the youth mortality.

Botswana, Zimbabwe and Swaziland -- with high rates of HIV and AIDS --
had the second, third and fourth largest increases in under-5 deaths.
Their rates of increase respectively were 37, 25 and 39 per cent.

Poor care for newborns is the single most prominent cause of child
deaths, while malaria accounts for more deaths than HIV/AIDS, the
study said.

Malnutrition contributed to more than half of the deaths, while acute
respiratory infections and diarrhoea are at the root of approximately
one-third, and measles still accounts for around five per cent, it
said.

"The world has the tools to improve child survival, if only it would
use them," Bellamy said.

"Vaccines, micronutrient supplements, and insecticide treated mosquito
nets don’t cost much and would save millions of children."

UNICEF said 90 nations, including 53 developing nations, are on track
to meet the millennium goal of a two-thirds reduction in deaths of the
young, while 98 developing countries are stagnating or going backward.

"No government should be allowed to let another 10 years pass with so
little progress." Bellamy said. "Leaders have agreed to goals and they
must be held accountable."

Despite the almost certainty that all countries won't meet the goal,
the study said the overall figure of one-in-12 deaths globally is a
vast improvement over the 1 in 5 mortality rate of the 1960s.

Russia with a relatively low rate of 21 made no advances in the
decade, while Turkey halved its rate, going from 78 in 1990 to 42 in
2002, the report said.

Sweden had the lowest rate of the industrialised countries with only 3
under-5 deaths per 1,000 births, while Norway, Denmark, and Iceland
all were at 4.

Japan, Finland, Netherlands, Austria, Germany, Luxembourg, Greece,
Czech Republic, Malta and Monaco were at 6.

Canada's rate was 7, down from 9, but still far from its 2015 target
of 3, the study found.

The United States had 8 child deaths per 1,000 in 2002, down from 10
in 1990. But it will also have to make significant strides to reach
its target of 3 in 2015.

*******

FREE SEAMUS DOHERTY CAMPAIGN

The police ombudsman in the North has recommended action against a
senior PSNI officer arising out of allegations against him regarding
the investigation of an attempted Real IRA bomb attack.

A report by Nuala O'Loan, completed last month, is understood to
accuse Detective Chief Inspector Derek Williamson of trying to
manipulate evidence in order to conceal the identity of an alleged
police informer said to have been involved in the attempted bombing
near Newry in September 2002.

The ombudsman's inquiry was launched following the withdrawal in
November last year of the case against two Castlewellan, Co Down, men,
Martin Brogan and Mark Carroll, charged with possession of explosives
with intent. A third man, Seamus Doherty, from Derry, is still on
remand in connection with the offence. Newry-based Williamson was the
most senior police officer involved in the investigation.

Defence lawyers for Brogan and Carroll claimed that Williamson tried
to persuade forensic scientists to suppress evidence suggesting the
involvement of Kevin Byrne, who the defence alleged was driving the
bomb car when it was stopped on the Omeath Road outside Newry.

Brogan and Carroll were arrested at a nearby police checkpoint. Byrne,
who was neither arrested nor charged, has since disappeared from his
home in south Down.

Doherty was arrested in Derry some weeks later. Defence lawyers allege
that Byrne was a police agent.

The ombudsman's recommendations emerged in Belfast on Friday, where a
preliminary hearing relating to Doherty's case had been scheduled.

The hearing was postponed when the prosecution revealed that it would
be seeking a public interest immunity certificate (PIIC) to prevent
publication of evidence relating to Byrne.

The withdrawal of the case against Brogan and Carroll followed a
routine visit by Adrian Carlin of defence solicitors Kevin Winters to
the NI Forensic Science Laboratory in Carrickfergus in October last
year. While examining the case file, number 4981/02, he came across an
envelope marked "do not open"

Opening it, he found a typed letter signed by senior forensic
scientist Dr Gerry Murray describing a meeting with Williamson "to
discuss my statement in relation to case no 4981/02" The letter
recorded that Williamson "requested that I prepare a modified
statement, omitting a number of sections from the original statement".

The effect of the suggested omissions would have been to remove
references to traces of explosives found on Kevin Byrne's trousers,
shirt, jacket, right hand and fingernails.

A further forensic report. Received by Doherty's defence team in June
this year suggested that Byrne's DNA was discovered on the steering
wheel, gear stick knob, handbrake and ignition key of the abandoned
bomb car.

The case against Doherty is based on DNA traces allegedly detected on
the Omeath Road bomb. Doherty denies, ever having handled a bomb and
claims that the DNA was planted. He claims that swabs had been taken
from him when he was arrested in Derry on an unrelated matter six
weeks prior to the discovery of the Newry bomb.

O'loan's report, which has not yet been published, was recently
delivered to the North's Police Authority.

*******

BOYCOTT UPDATE

Trade unions around the world are now supporting Sinaltrainal and the
call for a boycott of all Coca-Cola products. In addition to actions
taken by national and international bodies, hundreds of branches,
locals and labour councils have been supporting the campaign to hold
Coca-Cola accountable for its human rights abuses in Colombia. Here is
a selection of some of the most recent campaign victories in the UK,
Ireland and USA.

UNISON, with 1.3 million members, passed a resolution at their
national conference, resolving to: "support the call to boycott Coca
Cola products." NIPSA, the Northern Ireland Public Services
Association, affiliated to both the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and
to the British TUC, voted to support the boycott of Coca Cola until
the company meets Sinaltrainal's demands.

Service Employees International Union (SEIU), with 1.7 million
members, passed a resolution at their national convention in San
Francisco, USA, which resolved: "Support the world-wide call to
boycott Coca-Cola and work to win broad AFL-CIO support for the
campaign against killer Coke..."

Communications Workers of America (CWA), which represents 700,000
members, passed a resolution at their national convention in Anaheim,
USA, which resolved: "that unless the Alien Tort Claims Act lawsuit is
settled by October 15 and the safety and rights of workers in the
Coca-Cola Colombian bottling plants are protected, the CWA will
support Sinaltrainal's divestment and boycott campaign against
Coca-Cola and SunTrust Bank, and will urge our members to do the
same."

American Postal Workers Union (APWU), with 270,000 members, passed a
resolution at their national convention in Los Angeles, USA, which
resolved: "That the national American Postal Workers Union requests
that the United States Postal Service remove all Coca-Cola products
from all postal facilities, and that State and Local American Postal
Workers Unions, stop purchasing all Coca-Cola products until this
issue (Colombian) is resolved."

The Labor Council for Latin American Advancement (LCLAA), a
constituency group of the AFL-CIO, representing the interests of 1.7
million Latino workers who are members of a union or labour
association in the 50 states and Puerto Rico, passed a motion rebuking
The Coca-Cola Co. for their human rights violations in Colombia.

The American Federation of Teachers (AFT), with 1.3 million members,
passed a resolution at their national convention in Washington, DC,
which resolved: "encourage AFT locals and individual members to
participate in a letter writing campaign to the Coca-Cola Company to
pressure its Colombian branch to stop its persecution of employees
seeking union representation and to respect basic trade union
rights..."

The International Longshore and Warehouse Union, with 60,000 members,
passed a resolution resolving: "That the ILWU join the boycott of
Coca-Cola and do all it can to publicize the boycott around the
world."

Coca-Cola hires former "labour official" to try to do damage control

The growing labour support is of great concern to Coke. This summer,
Coca-Cola hired Jack Otero, former AFL-CIO Executive Board member, to
do damage control.

His meetings with department heads at the AFL-CIO and his efforts at
LCLAA have met with dismal failure.

*******

Letters

*

REPUBLICAN UNITY?

I'd like to reply to the letter in the Plough Vol. 2-7 suggesting we
make some sort of common cause with the Provos, RSF, and the 32CSM.

Comrade,

Your concerns, I'm afraid, are misplaced, but moreover, the IRSP is
not the organisation to turn to if you are attempting to 'save' Sinn
Fein from becoming another SDLP. Sinn Fein may or may not 'control
Irish republicanism', as you put it, but that is not now, nor has it
ever been the concern of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. The
entire reason for the IRSP and INLA having existed for the past thirty
years is that our movement represents something distinct from Irish
republicanism. Irish republican socialism isn't simply republicanism
with some socialist rhetoric thrown into the mix; it is a radically
different understanding of the national liberation struggle and both
the path to where we are going and the end where we intend to arrive.

It is this fundamental difference that has led the IRSP to say in the
past, for us, the national liberation struggle is an aspect of the
struggle for socialism and divorced from the struggle for socialism,
we have no interest in the national liberation struggle. This is
simply because we do not believe the two can be separated and remain
meaningful. In the present era, it is impossible to talk about
national liberation and envision a 32 county capitalist Ireland. Such
an outcome would mean that the vast majority of the Irish people would
remain oppressed, it would mean that the national economy would remain
tied to the interests of foreign imperialists, which in turn would
mean that any expression of sovereignty would be merely a farce and a
sham, because it is who controls the productive forces of society that
determines the extent to which the state can assert itself. So, there
can be no real national liberation so long as Ireland remains
capitalist.

At the same time, Ireland's working class remains divided by
sectarianism borne of partition and both sections of the working class
in Ireland remain tied to a section of the ruling class by the
unresolved national liberation struggle. You letter reflects this
point, actually. Though you know we are a revolutionary socialist
party, you feel compelled to advocate unity with Irish republicans who
represent something other than the revolutionary interests of Irish
workers, organisations who remain tied to the contradictory interests
of sections of the Irish capitalist class as well. Accordingly, it is
clear that the struggle for the liberation of Irish workers will
remain impeded until partition is ended and national liberation is
made a reality.

This is why the IRSP has always said that the way forward requires a
perspective that recognises the two struggles, for socialism and
national liberation, cannot be separated.

Another unique aspect of the IRSM's programme is how we view the
process of national liberation. When one looks at Sinn Fein, RSF, or
the 32CSM, one is really looking at little more than Irish
republicanism at various points in its development and these
organisations essentially acknowledge this in their own
self-description. The problem with this is two-fold: on the one hand,
since the IRSP has always disagreed with the Republican Movement on
the aims and tactics required in the struggle, having always been
separate from the Provos, we have no real basis for unity with any of
these manifestations, beyond the type of principled cooperation we
have always sought with the rest of the anti-imperialist movement in
Ireland. On the other hand, recent experience with Sinn Fein and the
Provo IRA only demonstrates the correctness of the analysis the IRSM
has long put forward, an analysis which anticipated Sinn Fein winding
up exactly where they are, because of the manner in which they sought
to move forward and what they had as their goal. Having just received
confirmation of our long held analysis, we certainly have no cause to
suddenly drop it and embrace the failed path of Irish republicanism.

The way forward is not to encourage the long process by which RSF or
the 32CSM will most likely grow and develop, before making the same
fatal errors the Provos made before them and winding up at square one
again. The way forward is to recognise that the road they travelled
was bound to end in failure and therefore to adopt another approach --
the approach advocated by James Connolly and Jim Larkin, the approach
advocated by Seamus Costello, Ta Power, and Gino Gallagher, the Irish
republican socialist approach, which rejects the militarism of
traditional republicanism, without rejecting the revolutionary
struggle in arms required to topple the present system. Ours is an
approach that doesn't look to the Dail, the parliament in Westminster,
or Stormont as the vehicle by which we gain our liberation, but seeks
to topple all three and replace them with new democratic institutions
suited to the needs of working class people and only working class
people. Our way relies on mobilising the masses of working people to
act for themselves, not to rely on either guerrillas or politicians.

So, comrade, in answer to your question, there is little point in
worrying about what will become of Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein followed the
course it set for itself and really didn't deviate. The problem isn't
with Adams or some specific section of the leadership; the problem is
with traditional Irish republicanism. Each time it moves forward along
that traditional path, it will wind up where Sinn Fein is today. That
is why the IRSP and INLA have remained distinct organisations and put
forward an analysis that was in direct contradiction to that of the
Republican Movement for three decades now -- because we were formed to
avoid the errors of that approach and instead offer a means of
actually gaining the liberation of the Irish nation, in a manner that
actually represented the liberation of the masses of the people of
Ireland. Those who think they can gain Ireland's national liberation
while leaving capitalism in place, will always turn away from the
revolution before their goal is achieved, regardless of how staunchly
the maintain themselves in arms today or how much they steep
themselves in the trapping of traditional republicanism.

We encourage you to consider our position on these issues and we
believe if you do, and want to help the struggle to win the liberation
of Ireland from oppression and domination, then you should join the
IRSP and build a revolutionary republican socialist movement, capable
of avoiding the pitfalls of the past and ending the cycle of defeat
which we have seen far too many times already.

Adh mor,

Peter Urban
IRSP

*

STOP SHARON'S PARTNER-IN-CRIME FROM VISITING SOUTH AFRICA

The Palestine Solidarity Committee calls upon the South African
government to cancel the invitation to Deputy Prime Minister of
Apartheid Israel, Ehud Olmert, to visit South Africa. Olmert is
scheduled to have talks with state officials, supporters of Apartheid
Israel and business people in two weeks time. Olmert's proposed visit
comes in the wake of meetings between ten senior Likud Party
representatives and South African officials and Cabinet Ministers.

According to an official statement, the South African government views
Olmert's trip as part of 'mediatory' efforts to bring peace to the
Middle East. Our scepticism of this intention is increased by a number
of press reports, which inform us that Olmert's visit is really to
seek to "cement economic ties between the states [South Africa and
Israel] via a protection of investment treaty". Olmert also hold the
trade portfolio in the Israeli cabinet. Far from promoting peace,
Olmert's visit will merely give credibility and legitimacy to
Apartheid Israel.

The PSC finds the invitation to Olmert deplorable. Palestinians and
supporters of justice around the world have just commemorated the 22nd
anniversary of the Sabra and Shatilla massacre of 3000 largely women
and child Palestinian refugees in Beirut (even an Israeli court found
that Sharon was complicit in this). This week marks the fourth
anniversary of the second intifada (uprising) against the Israeli
occupation. Occupation Forces continue to massacre Palestinians with
helicopter gunship missiles and tank shells. The latest outrage is in
the poverty stricken Jabalya refugee camp in the Gaza where scores of
civilians have been killed and many homes destroyed.

According to B'tselem, an Israeli human rights group, the occupation
forces have killed over 500 children since September 2000. From the
beginning of this year, over 400 unarmed Palestinian civilians have
been killed. B'tselem's report underscored Israel's comprehensive war
against Palestinian society, including the demolition of homes and the
wanton destruction of farms, orchards and infrastructure as well the
sweeping internment of Palestinian civilians for long periods of time
and general collective punishment. According to the report, Israel
now interns some 8000 Palestinians under appalling conditions,
including 360 children and minors. Moreover, the report pointed out
that as many as 7000 Palestinian homes were destroyed by the Israeli
army during the past four years. These are crimes against humanity!

During the darkest days of apartheid, Nelson Mandela refused P.W.
Botha?s offer of freedom in exchange for the Bantustan sytem and the
renunciation of the armed struggle. Madiba understood the futility of
such an engagement with Botha. International condemnation and
isolation of South Africa, combined with mass internal resistance,
ensured that negotiations with the National Party began with the
release of political prisoners, the right of return for exiles and on
the premise that democracy would take root. To suggest that the
current Israeli regime seeks a similar solution is preposterous.
Israel continues the building of the Apartheid Wall (in violation of
the ruling of the International Court of Justice which our government
played an active role in securing), stealing more Palestinian land and
leaving the citizens of the West Bank and Gaza in a Bantustan system
of hellish prisons.

Our government needs to know that Olmert was one of the Zionist
extremists who opposed even the flawed Oslo Accords as he feared they
might one day lead to a Palestinian state. As mayor of Jerusalem he
oversaw the construction of many settlements (illegal under
international law) and declared that the city would remain ?united
under Israeli control for eternity? (also illegal). That South Africa
should entertain Likud, a vicious racist party which makes the AWB
during its heyday look moderate is a disturbing development in our
country.

The importance of building an international movement to help defeat
Apartheid South Africa is a lesson we now apply to Israel. Engaging
with Sharon and a Likud administration bent on the elimination of the
remaining Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza is damaging to any
prospects for peace. It merely legitimises the current Israeli
government and gives credence to the idea that Israel can make peace
without the international isolation, sanctions and boycotts which were
so vital to the South African experience. And that it can impose a
?peace? without even having to discuss it with the Palestinian people.
What Sharon and his gang really want is the 'peace' of the graveyard.

Two weeks ago, at a gathering of anti-war and anti-corporate
globalisation movements in Beirut, close to 260 organisations from 54
countries unanimously endorsed a boycott campaign against Apartheid
Israel. Recently, the Anglican Peace and Justice Network (APJN) agreed
to support the many churches, universities and trade unions in the
West that are increasingly calling for a divestment campaign modelled
on the popular boycott of apartheid South Africa. APJN said it would
press leaders of the 75 million Anglicans and Episcopalians worldwide
to impose sanctions on Israel after an eight-day visit to the occupied
territories. In July, the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church
in the United States which has 3 million members, voted overwhelmingly
for a boycott of Israel. Some Scandinavian churches are also pressing
for a boycott of Israeli goods. The South African government which
should be in the lead in promoting a sanctions campaign against Israel
is instead working against this. It is squandering the moral high
ground earned by our people through great sacrifice. We urge our
government to rescind its invitation to Sharon's Deputy.

We will hold protests on 16th October across South Africa to highlight
our solidarity with Palestinians under occupation and in the diaspora
and to oppose Olmert?s visit to our country.

Salim Vally
Anti-War Coalition

*******

WHAT'S ON

*

Human without rights: asylum seekers in the 21st century

An exhibition of photographs by David Levene, Guardian Newspaper

Brought to Belfast by Law Centre (NI) and Refugee Action Group as part
of Belfast Festival at Queens

At: Law Centre (NI), 124 Donegall Street, Belfast

From: Saturday 23 October to Saturday 6 November, 10 am to 4 pm

Closed: Tuesdays and Sundays

*******

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