The Plough
Vol. 4- No 3
Tuesday 30th January2007
E-mail newsletter of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) A Mark of its Failure
2) Collusion
3) Statements
4) What’s On?
On 28 January 2007, a Sinn Fein Ard Fheis voted to support the PSNI and the criminal justice system; appoint party representatives to the Policing Board and District Policing Partnership Boards; and actively encourage everyone in the community to co-operate fully with the police services in tackling crime in all areas and actively supporting all the criminal justice institutions.
In November 2006, the party already signed up to the 26 counties new policing committees. Mr Adams insisted that
"Republicans have always been for policing. Republicans have always been for law and order."(1)
The decision was hardly suprising. In a recent editorial the Irish News noted:
"If Sinn Fein is to complete its transition from a revolutionary group to a constitutional party which seeks to achieve positions in government on both sides of the border, support for policing has always been essential."(2)
The Provos had to end what DUP MEP Jim Allister called their "schizophrenic approach to the rule of law". The contradiction revolves around the fact that while the party was prepared to administer British rule, it refused to accept British policing structures in the north.
The party cannot have Ministers making the laws and at the same time refusing to endorse the forces in charge of implementing them.
"This was an absurd and illogical political position. One either rejects the legitimacy of a state or accepts it. One cannot reject the legitimacy of one arm of the state and accept the legitimacy of another. Sinn Fein was trying to have its cake and eat it." (3)
The 1998 Belfast Agreement made it quite clear that signatories would have to accept new internal policing arrangements. The Provisional movement had to accept the state's monopoly of legitimate violence.
Some weeks back, Prime Minister Blair stated given that Republicans
"have spent a lifetime fighting it",
a move to support the PSNI and the criminal justice system would be of
"profound significance":
"There is no doubt that the Sinn Féin leadership wants to make the commitment on policing (...) I recall time and again being told that the IRA would never decommission; they would never give up violence; they would never commit to exclusively peaceful means. But they have done all these things. Sinn Féin has demonstrated one of the most remarkable examples of leadership I have come across in modern politics. It has been historic and it has been real." (4)
In an article written just before his death earlier this month, UVF leader David Ervine underlined the magnitude of the shift:
"The endgame was always going to shake up the republican movement and its supporters. It is, after all, the final acceptance by republicans of Northern Ireland as a viable and integral part of the UK. It is also the final acceptance by republicans that no authority other than state authority is either practicable or tolerable. It is worth consideration that if Adams pulls it off at the Ard Fheis, a real line in history will have been drawn."(5)
A triumphant Ian Paisley jnr already claimed late last year:
"We couldn't kill them but we can destroy them and their ideology".
A republican who accepts the police is no longer a republican, he says.
"Look whose (sic) under pressure tonight - the traitors in Sinn Féin, traitors to republicanism! Rejoice, our enemy is turning against themselves."
In an email to a convicted loyalist, Jeffrey Donaldson writes:
"These decisions are a million miles away from 1916 and the declaration of a 32-county republic. In short, the IRA has lost the battle for a United Ireland."(6)
Alex Kane of the UUP wrote in the pro-Unionist daily News Letter:
"The IRA has ended the futile 'armed struggle'. Partition has been recognised. Republicans will co-operate with unionists in Stormont. The ongoing British presence (along with the new MI5 centre) is accepted as a fact of life. The PSNI and the British justice and judicial systems will be given the thumbs up from Sinn Fein in a few days' time. Short of burning the tricolour and hoisting the Union Flag over Connolly House, there isn't much more that Sinn Fein could do to admit that Northern Ireland, Unionism and the present United Kingdom are here and here to stay."(7)
Yet for a faction of Unionism, this is not enough. The East Derry DUP MP Gregory Campbell insisted that formal recognition and participation in policing structures was not enough, the Provisional party would be judged on its work with the police to stamp out any remaining republican organisation still engaging in armed struggle against the British state. When asked if he would call on Sinn Fein to report so-called 'dissident' activity to the police, he replied:
"That will be a part of our test for them after the Ard Fheis, we have a series of things to put into practice to test them to see if their support for policing means anything. "They can't turn a blind eye on criminals because they are former colleagues,"
he said. And that applies to all crime in the republican community. In particular, Mr. Campbell said that Sinn Fein must finger anyone known to be behind fuel laundering and similar crimes, as well as reporting the killers of Belfast man Robert McCartney who was murdered in January 2005. (8) DUP MEP Jim Allister insists that any "mere verbal commitment" should be "tested and tried over a credible period". Among those tests he suggested disbandment of the IRA as an indispensable part of proof of support for the rule of law, the return of 'ill-gotten gains', including the deeds of the Northern Bank robbery, encouragement to join the PSNI and an increased conviction rate. (9)
The Provisional leadership tries to sell the decision by telling its grassroots that its move into policing structures represents a new site of struggle, that it is a strategic advance which will enable it to wrest power from 'the securocrats' and by pointing to the possibility of a Sinn Fein Minister of Policing or Justice when those powers are devolved. (10)
However, the transfer of 'counter-terrorist' intelligence from the police to MI5 means at present that any such minister would have no effective control over counter-terrorist operations in Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin is colluding with the British state to hide the fact MI5 has been given an expanded role in the North to take supreme control of all counter-terrorist intelligence with virtually no accountability or outside control.
The SDLP's Mark Durkan correctly points out that the Provisional agenda is in fact allowing the British Government to set the clock back on policing. Under the Patten reforms (132 of its 175 recommendations have already been implemented), the PSNI is obliged by law to open all its files to the Ombudsman in any investigation, whereas under the Blair-Adams deal, the police Ombudsman will not be able to investigate MI5. (11)
In fact, the Patten reforms and the Belfast Agreement offered even less than the Sunningdale Agreement in failing to provide an all Ireland authority on policing.(12)
The appointment of Lord Carlile, who supported no-jury Diplock courts in the North for each of the last five years and backed the 90-day detention without trial of terrorist suspects in Britain vigorously opposed by civil liberties groups, to a role in annually reviewing MI5 in the North, was bizarrely hailed as a victory by Sinn Féin. (13) Tony Blair”s statement on MI5 this month isn’t
"a very major step" towards getting MI5 out of Ireland as Sinn Féin claims. In fact, far from leaving Ireland, MI5 is building brand new £100m headquarters in Palace Barracks in Hollywood outside Belfast.
'MI5's role will undermine the whole point of Patten, which was to grant some democratic control and scrutiny over security policies'
declared Mark Durkan.
'If the status quo remains, any future Minister of Justice or Policing will have no access, let alone control of, a crucial part of security policy'
the Foyle SDLP MP said. (14)
A policing minister won't have sweeping powers like running the security apparatus. His/her greatest power will be introducing legislation, such as a bill to end 50% remission for sex offenders; but the policing minister can't give orders to the chief constable.
There hasn't even been a new breakthrough on the controversial plastic bullets -there still needs to be a total ban on those weapons. So-called 'civic policing' under the new arrangements will not end 'political policing'. (15)
The Provisional movement's attempt to change the policing and justice system from within is congenitally flawed. An active Republican and former member of the Provisional movement writes in the Communist Party of Ireland journal:
"In many instances of political action it's a case of not what you do but why you do it. The Sinn Fein Ard-Chomhairle motion that republicans back An Garda as well as the PSNI without any equivalent Patten type reforms is an indication that a republican endorsement of 'law and order' is being sought for all the wrong reasons. (...) Any notion that Sinn Fein or anybody else can enter the most reactionary institution of power in the Six Counties while the British maintain ultimate control and subvert its reason for existing is naive. (...) As Karl Marx once stated, 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and wield it for its own purpose'."(16)
Experience shows that once you attempt to create change from within, the parameters of the system create constraints which prevent political actors from transforming it. Once in, the party's room of manoeuvre will become much more constrained than if it were applying pressure from without. It is not the British state which will have to obey Republican rules but the other way around. Accepting and endorsing the policing and justice system is not a Republican strategy - it is a British state and Unionist demand. They have already determined the rules of the game. Attempts to change the system from within will only result in Republicans being stuck on the other side of the barricade. As Anthony McIntyre recently remarked, the paradox at the heart of the Sinn Fein position, is one of claiming to be Republican while at the same time being prepared to support political policing that will put republicans in jails for armed resistance to the British state. If the party is not prepared to perform such functions at the behest of the British state and the DUP, then it will never attain the justice ministry. Sinn Fein embracing the British PSNI is not a sign of republican success but is a mark of its failure.(17)
Liam O RUAIRC
NOTES
(1) Gerry Adams, Time is Right for Policing Decision, The Sunday Life, 21 January 2007
(2) Editorial, Sinn Fein right to move on policing, The Irish News, 29 December 2006
(3) Paul Maguire, Provo Poachers Turn Gamekeepers, New Republican Forum, 4 January 2007
(4) Prime Minister Blair, Good faith is key to breaking current peace process impasse, The Irish Times, 8 January 2007
(5) David Ervine, Let's finish the job, The Belfast Telegraph, 9 January 2006
(6) Suzanne Breen, Revealed -Bizarre DUP emails to loyalist murderer, The Sunday Tribune, 10 December 2006
(7) Alex Kane, The DUP has nothing to fear, News Letter, 22 January 2007
(8) Campbell's "pro policing" test - Sinn Fein "must turn in dissidents", Derry Journal, 5 January 2007
(9) Jim Allister, Sinn Fein must prove it supports the rule of law, The Belfast Telegraph, 9 January 2007
(10) Sinn Fein, A New Beginning to Policing, leaflet included with The Belfast Telegraph, 26 January 2007
(11) SDLP, The Truth About MI5: what they don't want you to know, http://www.sdlp.ie/documents/MI5Truth-jan07.doc
(12) Jonathan Tonge, Northern Ireland, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006, p.82
(13) Suzanne Breen, Sinn Fein bizarrely claims MI5 appointment as victory, Sunday Tribune, 14 January 2007
(14) Henry McDonald, Call for more scrutiny of MI5's role in Ulster, The Observer 19 November 2006
(15) Liam Clarke, Covert policing will endure, so we must learn from errors of the past, Sunday Times, 21 January 2007
(16) Reader's Reply, Sinn Fein and Policing, Socialist Voice January 2007
(17) Cfr. Vincent Browne, Sinn Fein marches onward into cul-de-sac, Sunday Business Post, 28 January 2007;Henry McDonald, Today the Provisionals embrace 'Northern Ireland', The Observer, 28 January 2007; David Sharrock A momentous day for both the IRA and law and order, The Times, 29 January 2007
Collusion
So the Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland, Nuala O’Loan has produced a report that shows that there was collusion between Special Branch officers of the then Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and members of the loyalist outfit the Ulster Volunteer Force. Lordy Lordy! What a shocking state of affairs. The only shocking thing about it has been the response of the political leaders of Unionism. Apart from the PUP’s Dawn Purvis, the leaders of Unionism talked about the good work of the RUC, the many lives saved and how all this was plot to rewrite history. They are scared to face up to the ugly face of their own history.
The report only dealt with North Belfast where a UVF unit carried out 10 murders, 10 attempted murders, 10 punishment shootings, 13 punishment attacks, a bomb attack in Monaghan and 72 other criminal offences while simultaneously working as informers for Special Branch during the 80’s and 90’s. Republicans have known almost from the year 1969 that the Special Branch saw Ulster Loyalism as another weapon in the struggle to subdue the demands for a united Ireland. In the 1920’2 and 30’s an Inspector Nixon of the RUC led a loyalist murder gang. There has always been a close relationship between police and loyalism in the Northern state.
The cold reality that needs to be faced up to by all who have been involved in the conflict is that the actions of the loyalist paramilitaries were part and parcel of the British occupation of Ireland. The bombing of catholic owned pubs, the burning out of Catholics from previously “mixed” areas, the cold blooded butchery practiced by the Shankill butchers, the firebombing of catholic areas, the bomb attacks on people and property south of the border and the assassination of political leaders within nationalism and republicanism were all carried out by loyalism as part of the British war machine. Over 200 weapons from the UDR/RIR (the local official militia of the British army) found their way to the UDA/UVF/RHC (the unofficial militia of the British Army). In 1973 the British Army itself estimated between 5% and 15 % of the soldiers in the UDR were connected to the loyalist murder gangs.
The collusion took different forms at different times. For example the RUC denied the existence of a sectarian murder campaign for many years during the 1970’s. Instead they were motiveless murders or random murders. These murders were rarely fully investigated. Files went missing. Suspects were not questioned. Forensics investigations were not carried out and relatives kept in the dark about the progress of investigations. Files on republican suspects were copied and given to loyalist murders.
Leaders within republicanism were targeted for harassment by the security forces and then details of cars homes etc fed to the murder gangs. In a number of cases agents of MI5 trained loyalist murder gangs in the skills of assassination and also set up a number of pseudo gangs to carry out random acts of violence as they had done in Aden, Cyprus and Kenya during those countries struggle for freedom. British army activity or rather lack of activity during the Ulster Workers Council (UWC) in 1974 was a clear example of collusion with loyalism. They idly stood by while fascist thugs through a lock out brought down the power-sharing executive. Of course this was nothing new for in 1914 the officer class of the same army refused to obey their orders to move their men to the north from the Curragh.
The result of this collusion can be seen in the statistics of deaths. Loyalist gangs killed 864 civilians mostly Catholics with no connections to republicanism. The Stevens inquiry found that
‘UDA had access to a large number of security files on republicans’
Most of the loyalists involved in the murder of Pat Finucane worked for one or other branches of the security forces as paid informers and also active murderers.
Al of this was approves at the highest level of the British Government. Someday when all this has passed, historians will conclude that the evidence shows that the murders of IRSP members, Miriam Daly, Ronnie Bunting and Noel Little were approved in committee rooms in Number 10 Downing Street.
Of course in time history will also uncover episodes of agents within Republican groups being allowed to get away with murder because it suited the long term plans of their masters in MI5 MI6 or the Special Branch.
The report by Nuala O’Loan allows the British to say
“Yes there was some bad things done by a few bad apples and it was wrong, we apologize and now it is time to move on as that can not now happen, given all the reforms we have introduced.”
That report plays into the politics of today. It allows the pro-policing Sinn Fein (P) to claim that all this is because they held out for so long from endorsing policing and now it is time to get in and change from within as real chance has taken place.
Do they really believe that MI5 will have no connection with policing? All policing is political. Just ask the minority communities in British cities or talk to the families of the miners of Britain.
British enquires into British activity in the North are to all intents and purposes a waste of time. Good for the lawyers, good for the media but bearing little or no relation to the truth. They have only been set up to create a context within which nationalists can be encouraged to work the sectarian six county state. It is not about the truth. Truth is not exactly a virtue one associates with the British Prime Minister Blair. All the enquires of the day will not chance the fundamentals of the Irish question. No amount of spin will change that fact. British Imperialism still rules the six county state.
The British state coldly and calculatingly armed trained and unleashed murder gangs against Catholics as part of their campaign to subdue republican resistance. There were not a “few bad apples” morally compromised by colluding with brutal murder gangs. The British were not a neutral force standing between two warring sectarian tribes. They were the instigators of sectarian violence just as they have been in Iraq.
Tony Blair and the New Labour project are not squeaky clean. They are as guilty as Thatcher and every other British Government that presided over the occupation of Ireland.
The struggle goes on but in a changed political context. Republicans need to be wary of reacting emotionally to the events of the day and mounting short-term electoral challenges that ignore the social and economic issues of the day. Republican socialists have always argued that the class and national questions cannot be separated Now is not the time to abandon that core belief. Instead we must take our message into all arenas of conflict and raise the banner of class struggle high.
(Gerry Ruddy)
Statements
Anti Social behaviour
Over the weekend we have received reports of a number of incidents in the Shantallow area in which cars were broken into and vandalised in the Drumleck Drive area of Shantallow. We are aware that these incidents are linked and were carried out by criminal elements within the community who are well known. It was also noted that these people are regular offenders and have been arrested and released from RUC/PSNI custody on many occasions.
We have also recieved reports that a community facility and a shop in Leafair Park were targets of vandals over the weekend.
This then begs the question of why they are allowed to carry out these attacks on the community. To us the answer is obvious; they are being paid by the RUC/PSNI to spy on their community and in return are allowed, or even encouraged to carry out attacks on that community.
The IRSP have been approached by members of the community who are concerned that the RUC/PSNI have once again allowed their paid informers to act with impunity. This is hardly the new beginning to policing that Sinn Fein and others have promised. Within hours of yesterday’s decision at the RDS in Dublin ordinary people in Shantallow were the indirect victims of the RUC/PSNI.
We say loud and clear that the RUC/PSNI are not the answer to the anti-community activities within working class estates. Despite Sinn Fein's support for this British police force there is no magic formula that overnight transforms this discredited force into something that is acceptable to working class people. The answers to these problems must come from within the community and the IRSP will support the community to sort out these problems, not the British police force
We call on the community to reject the criminals from within their midst, to isolate them and a let them know in no uncertain terms that the community will not, and indeed, can not, allow this activity to continue.
Thomas Dixon,
Irish Republican Socialist Party
Bloody Sunday Riot
Republican Socialist Youth Movement
29/1/06
***FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE***
Following last night's riots in the Bogside area of Derry following the annual Bloody Sunday commemoration there are facts we would like to place on record.
The PSNI were already in position donning full riot gear with camera surveillance in the area surrounding the Tower Hotel prior to the commemorative proceedings being drawn to a close. This was a clear attempt to provoke youths in the vicinity. There was one arrest that we know of by the time the commemoration had ended, this only served to further aggravate the youths who attacked the PSNI with anything at their disposal.
Not once did we witness the destruction of property belonging to ordinary working class people but a consistent and determined young people who attacked their oppressor. As the riot reached it's height, materials for petrol bombs were seized by local members of the Provisional Movement and removed from the area. We view this as an unrivalled act of collaboration with those who occupy our country and an indication of their newly found positions within British rule here which they are forced to defend. It is not the first time they have actively assisted the PSNI and will not be the last by any stretch of the emagination.
The PSNI were seen to load plastic bullet guns before swarming the Bogside estate with the assistance of an already airborne helicopter unit. They were attacked with fireworks at this point and found easy scapegoats in people not involved in the riot.
www.rsym.org
http://img263.imageshack.us/my.php?image=280120071680pw9.jpg
Athmhachnamh ar an Bhóthar
Reflections on the Road Mórthaispeántas saothair le Geraldine Gallagher.
A major exhibition of work by Geraldine Gallagher
Iniúchann an taispeántas grianghraf seo na tuiscintí difriúla de Bhótharna bhFál. Le cúnamh doimhne eolais mhuintir na háite, tá taispeántas curtha le cheile ag Geraldine Gallagher, a chaitheann amharc anamúil annamh ar shaol 'an bhóthair'. Thug sí faoi dhearcadh na nglúine a cheapadh le scéal an áitritheora, ag obair, ar sos agus ag súgradh, aríomh. Trí bliana ó shin a thug Geraldine faoin ghrianghrafadóireacht agus tá sí páirteach anois sa chomharchumann Íomhá 10+. Seo an chéad mhórthaispeántas aonair aici.
This photographic exhibition explores the different perceptions of the Falls Road. Using the depth of knowledge and memories of local residents, Geraldine Gallagher has put together an exhibition that takes a spirited and extraordinary look at life on 'the road'. She has endeavoured tocapture the views of numerous generations to depict inhabitant at work, rest and play.
Geraldine took up photography three years ago and is part of the collective Image 10+. This is her first major solo exhibition. Aoine 2ú Feabhra Friday 2nd February 7:00in -9:00in
Leanfaidh an taispeántas go dtí 1ú Márta This exhibition continues until 1st March
Tíceid go foill ar fáil do: / Tickets still available for: Oíche na mBan Ceolchoirm le: / A Concert with :Roisín White, Laura Kerr, Mary Ryan and Féile Women's Singing Group
1/02/07 8:00in £7/£5
Padraig Rynne, Tola Custy agus Paul McSherry 24/ 02/07 8:30in £8
Louis de Paor , Saol i bhfocail / Louis de Paor a Life in words 8/03/07
7:30in £4
The Legend of Luke Kelly 10/03/07
9:00in £10
Cuireadh/ Invite
East Down Migrant Workers Support Group
Sveiki – Olá – Cześć / Dzień dobry – ЗДраствуй
The newly formed EDMWSG would like to invite you to their afternoon launch in the
Down County Museum
Thursday 1st February
1pm sharp
Guest speakers in attendance followed by a light lunch and refreshments.
For more information-see press release below.
RSVP to macmanais@hotmail.co.uk or stephen.onuallain@btinternet.com
07919137349/07801189971 by Friday 26th January
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
The last number of years has seen a welcome increase in the numbers of migrant workers coming to Down District to play an increasingly important role in meeting the labour needs of local businesses and industries. Unfortunately they have at times met various levels of exploitation, prejudice and indeed physical attack.
In response to the above The East Down Migrant Workers Support Group seeks to tackle the exploitation and prejudice faced by migrant workers in the Down district and where possible to offer assistance in accessing local services, offering advice on employment and trade union rights and assisting then in playing an active role in local communities.
A spokesperson for the group commented, “I am very pleased to announce this hands-on project for the betterment of all the community. The migrant community provide a rich cultural addition to our area and it is our duty to provide practical support to them wherever necessary”.
The EDMWSG is comprised of community activists from across the political spectrum, migrant workers themselves and trade unionists. The EDMSWG is being launched at the Down County Museum on the 1st February at 1pm. All are welcome, especially migrant workers, political representatives and civic leaders. A guest speaker will be in attendance, followed by lunch and refreshments.
For further information contact 07919137349/ 07801189971
COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND.
INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY CELEBRATIONS
Dear comrade & friends.
The CPI has invited ZAHRA KHAZEM KHALDI a representative of the
Palestinian Peoples Party to speak in Ireland for International Women's Day
8th March. Comrade Zahra Khaldi (Member in the Women Department of PPP)
and lives in Jerusalem. We hope to have her in the country from the 6th -
10th March.
She will be speaking in Dublin in the New Theatre as well as in Belfast.
We hope to get her to a number of other venues around the country. Check
our website for further details in the near future.
Of course her visit depends upon the Israeli government allowing her to
leave and granting her a visa.
Yours in solidarity
Eugene Mc Cartan.
Please feel free to comment on the contents of the Plough. We welcome political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive the Plough as an attachment please e-mail with heading “add attachment”
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive the Plough please send his or her e-mail address to
Johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
If you wish to receive back copies of the “The Plough” Please e-mail” to
johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net tating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to the Plough please send e-mail entitled “unsubscribe” to johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
It is the policy of the Plough to acknowledge information and articles from other sources.
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have re-launched their website.
It can be viewed at
www.rsym.org
An Glór / The Voice
News sheet of Belfast Republican Socialist Youth Movement
January 2007
Circulation: 400
- Brit police never acceptable
- Maghaberry Prison protest continues
- Assets Recovery Agency, a question of money
- Support the Turkish death fast
- Ard Fheis rejects any move towards INLA decommissioning
- Volunteer Davy McNutt RIP
http://www.rsym.org/pdf/magazines/anGlor1.pdf
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have produced a short video on the situation concerning Shannon airport and its continued use by American troops and the CIA. The video can be viewed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH0WqJb95l8
Subscribe to the bi-monthly “The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta”
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
E-mail plough@irsm.org
The Starry Plough
http://irsm.org/irsp/starryplough
IRSP: Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na h-Éireann
http://irsm.org/
James Connolly Society
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/
James Connolly Archive
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP is
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/index.cgi
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - Website
A website that offers a central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this effort go towards the IRSM and it’s various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/index.html
Donate to the IRSP:
Standing Order Form
Tuesday 30 January 2007
Saturday 20 January 2007
The Plough Vol 04 No 02
The Plough
Vol. 4- No 2
Saturday 20th January 2007
E-mail newsletter of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Editorial
2) The Policing Debate
3) Housing Crisis
4) From the media
a. Housing problem "at worst for 20 years
5) International news
a. Venezuela Recovers Social Property
6) From the media
*
a. Future of Iraq: The Spoils of War
Editorial
In this edition we carry the speech of Comrade Eddie McGarrigle in Derry at a packed meeting of Republicans. We also reprint in full a section of the 2007 Northern Ireland The Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions) (Northern Ireland) Order 2007 which deals with the police powers to examine and remove any documents which they so choose without having any knowledge that a crime may have been committed. Despite major terror attacks in Britain recently such powers have not been introduced into any other part of the British isles. The assurance from British Minister Goggins that;
"In the process, a police officer must have a reasonable suspicion that having examined those documents he may have a reasonable suspicion that a crime has taken place. "The police can't go around willy-nilly seeking documents, there has
to be a rationale here.”
is not worth the paper it is printed on. Since when in the whole history of the Northern state has the police force been either reasonable or conscientious about their legal responsibilities? Teach na Failte has already suffered the seizure of documents 18 months ago and harassment of members despite no evidence that a crime had been committed. Those documents were held for far longer than under the new legislation despite the fact that the raids produced absolutely no evidence of crime or of Teach na FaIlte linked to crime. It was a clearly politically motivated police assault designed to put Teach na Failte out of business and hinder the growing spread of republican socialist ideas.
While in order to facilitate the so-called peace process the British Government reduce occupation forces to the level they were in 1969 before the “troubles” dismantle forts that did not exist in 1969 and repeal legislation that did not exist in 1969 they have also introduced more repressive legislation and brought MI5 into the North big time.
We also reproduce an article on the situation in Venezuela and all comrades should note the basic demand that Chavez has called for-to renationalise that which has been privatized. That demand if used here in Ireland would soon sort out the so-called socialists both North and South quite happy to introduce privitisation measures. It should be a central demand for everyone standing for election who calls him/herself a socialist
The Policing Debate
Tonight's debate is to be welcomed. It’s not too often that such a wide representation from within republicanism gather in debate. Having attended two previous debates, which were at times acrimonious, I would hope that tonight we at the least act in a courteous manner and debate in a comradely and progressive fashion.
We have all gathered here tonight to debate and discuss whether or not the acceptance and endorsement of the Policing and Justice system in the North of Ireland by S. F. is a Bridge too far for republicans. This issue has caused alarm within republicanism such is the magnitude of such a decision. It is an emotive and sensitive issue and one which deserves and demands full and open clarity on the strategy of those who propose that it is the right thing to do. The objective as stated by Sinn Fein is the ending of political and partisan policing and the establishment of a democratically accountable policing service in the North of Ireland. The IRSP do not believe that this is possible, we do not hold the position that republicans can change the policing and justice systems from within and we do not believe that it is in any way realistic to believe that the RUC/PSNI will be or a non-partisan non-political policing service.
That is the Republican Socialist viewpoint and I will outline the reasons why we have this position. Ultimately it is down to the membership of Sinn Fein. It is their decision. The consensus amongst all republicans is that we all profess to want an end to British rule in Ireland and an end of political policing in Ireland. There are obvious disagreements as to the strategies deployed
This issue has come about as a natural consequence of Sinn Feins acceptance of the G.F.A. For the record our analysis of the G.F.A. is that it copper-fastens partition and encourages sectarianism by institutionalizing it. We do not view it as a transitional stage nor as a stepping stone to a united Ireland. This is a major point on of division within republicanism. We view the Belfast Agreement as being based upon an acceptance of the unionist veto and therefore the continuation of British rule. Institutions of this statelet such as the policing and the justice systems are tasked not only with upholding and maintaining the constitutional status quo but also the upholding and maintenance of Britain's National interests. The primary function of all police forces is to defend the authority & legitimacy of the State and to serve the interests of those in power.
Despite our position on the GFA we argued face to face with Provisional Sinn Fein that they did not have to take part in the power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal economic policies such as the water tax.. Oppositional politics where they would not have to "play by the rules" would in our opinion would have been a more successful strategy.
I want to nail on the head the perception by some that (1) that because we were anti-GFA that somehow we want a return to war, we do not view armed struggle as a viable tactic at present to achieve republican objectives. ((2) That all republicans who oppose the endorsement of the RUC/PSNI along with The Criminal Justice system want or desire a return to armed conflict, that is false. As Bernadette Mc Aliskey said "The wars over and the good guys lost".
It is our opinion that, given the position adopted by the Sinn Fein leadership, that there was never any doubt that the outcome of embracing what we consider to be a reformist strategy was always going to lead them into the acceptance of the British policing service and structures.
It would appear that the perception of a growing number of republicans is that the outcome of years of negotiations have resulted solely in a restructuring and updating of British rule in Ireland. The view that process of negotiations as one which can be best summed up and characterised by a series of hoops that S.F. republicans have had to jump through before their opponents accept the validity of their electoral mandate.
However we are not here to analyze the merits or shortfalls of the G.F.A. As I stated at the beginning we are here to discuss whether or not republicans should endorse and implement policing and justice within the parameters set out by the British government and within the framework of the GFA and St. Andrews Agreement. We should confine our debate to this and not cloud the core question by engaging in a discussion which centres on a narrow "law and order" perspective. We need police because we have crime, etc. Public endorsement of any police service does not by the way automatically mean a reduction in crime, just look at the situation in the Free State.
Crime, punishment and policing in society are all matters worthy of debate but we are not here to discuss these matters nor are we here to be here to be sidetracked into issues such as who has or hasn't the best strategy of achieving the republican objectives of a 32 county socialist republic, to allow this debate to be sidetracked away from the core question under debate will only muddy the issue and further divide republicans.
I accept that many genuine republicans within Sinn Fein who have dedicated their lives to republicanism differ from this view and believe in their hearts that they will change the system from within and that the road they have taken will lead to a united Ireland. They are mistaken. Both the G.F.A and the St. Andrew's Agreement have inbuilt safeguards to neutralise any attempts to 'change the system from within'.
In previous policing debates Declan Kearney outlines the Sf position as one in which policing and the justice system are solely sites of struggle in which the objective is to change the system from within, he maintains that by doing so SF will get rid of political policing and deal with issues such as collusion. Those of us who quite simply do not buy into this are advised to live in the real world and to take the long term view, however I have yet to hear from Declan or anyone else in SF as to how exactly SF are going to reform from within state institutions such as the RUC/PSNI. Never mind their strategy in moving beyond the GFA. No amount of party spin or honeyed words escape from the fact that the British Government have ultimate control in relation to policing, in the real world by signing up to and endorsing the policing structures republicans will not make the law, they will administer it, it will be British law. This is not the local council we are talking about nor is it the Health or Education Boards.
Primarily what tonight is all about is about providing a platform for open and honest debate, it is not about listening to carefully constructed political rhetoric cantering around vague and potentially misleading aspirations which talk about the so-called long term view. Tonight's core question gives to Sinn Fein the perfect opportunity to reassure those Republicans prepared to just say no to any vote of approval for the British constabulary, tonight Sinn Fein have the opportunity to enlighten all of us and to assure all republicans that all of the legitimate objections and disagreements could be answered. If Stormont and the endorsement of both the British constabulary and the Criminal Justice system were truly some form of purgatory to be suffered briefly before entering a united Ireland then tonight we need to hear exactly what their strategy is in relation to circumventing existing frameworks and legislation, spell it out without the usual spin-doctoring which characterised previous submissions from Sf in Conway mill and Toomebridge. Failure do so will reinforce the obvious fear which is that endorsing the PSNI would be a final step in their objectives of Ulsterization, criminalization and normalization.
Much has been made of the role of M15 in the north of Ireland. So much for Brookes statement about Britain having no strategic or selfish interest in Irish affairs, instead of wasting energy on so-called negotiations on whether or not M15 would have a role in with the RUC/PSNI. Sf should have demanded that it is not acceptable for M15 to be here at all. Sine. The prize of political power seems to have blinded some to the reality of what MI5 and political policing is all about.
SF are bizarrely, claiming a victory of sorts after Tony Blair's statement in the House of Commons when he stated that MI5 and the PSNI would be two separate entities.
In fact:
(1) MI5 is taking over and getting primacy for intelligence led political policing;
(2) It covers so-called domestic terrorism as well as international; and
(3)The Police Ombudsman will not be able to investigate what MI5 are up to.
Gerry Kelly has stated that Sinn Fein wanted to "stop MI5 having any role in civic policing here" and that Blairs' proposals will "go a long way towards achieving that objective."
We are told by Blair and agreed by SF that there will be "No secondment of PSNI members to MI5" This is misleading. Blair states that "police officers who act in a liaison capacity with the Security Services will be PSNI Headquarters staff."
We are told that arrangements will be made that the Ombudsmans Office will have access to information held by MI5 where this is necessary to the discharge of her duties." Who decides this? The Police Ombudsman is promised no statutory power to access information MI5 hold. All that is said is that MI5 can agree to give her documents. But the bottom line is they don't have to if they don't want to. How Sinn Fein can claim this as a success. So what really has PSF achieved during these negotiations to end political policing and is it possible for all of us to shift through all the spin, half truths and lies that we are being bombarded with by both the British government, the leadership of PSF and the PSNI and come to the real truth on the end product of these negotiations. SFs stated negotiating position was that MI5 had no role in Ireland whatsoever but later dropped that position to demands of no MI5 role in civic policing, which PSF now claim to have achieved. But have they really? MI5's role and remit can be extended as the British Government expands the definition of national security ever wider.
MI5 will affect how political policing is carried out by the PSNI. But MI5 will not have to account to the Police Ombudsman for their effects on policing – because she can only investigate the PSNI
Where are republican principles in all of this? Undoubtedly MI5 are a malign unaccountable political force who will have a close a working relationship with the PSNI, after all they are two sides of the same coin who serve the same master - the British establishment and its interests. Mainstream republicans are being asked to endorse, legitimise and fully co-operate with the PSNI who in turn will be fully co-operating with MI5 in the targeting, arresting and imprisonment of anyone judged to be detrimental to the interests of British national security, in other words Irish republicans. Provisional republicans are also, bizarrely, being asked by their leadership to endorse the judicial system, Diplock courts and the unaccountable Public Prosecution Service. Tinkering with these institutions does not amount to having control of them,
Limited devolved policing and Justice powers to Stormont will not give us independent accountable, civic policing and justice. To claim that they will is nothing more than political spin and is a lie.
If republicans endorse these institutions they will be endorsing PSNI operations on so-called 'dissidents' and also their investigations into past republican activities. What then will the position be in regard to the Historical enquiries Team findings? Will it be similar to the public advice given to 4 members of the Provisional movement in the Bobby Tohill case? "Give yourself up lads"
There is a consensus amongst those on this platform that policing in the North under its present form is unacceptable for various reasons. Where the speakers differ is what is to be done about it. There are two strategies. The first, embraced by Sinn Fein, is to attempt to change the policing and justice system from within. The second is to create pressure for change from without. Experience shows that once you attempt to create change from within, the parameters of the system create constraints which prevent political actions to transform it. Once you are in, you have to play by the enemy's rules - it is not the system which will have to obey Republican rules. Accepting and endorsing the policing and justice system is not a Republican strategy - it is a British state and Unionist demand. They have already determined the rules of the game. DUP politicians such as Gregory Campbell and James McAllister have already made clear that the ultimate test for Sinn Fein will not be formal recognition of the policing and justice system, but the party's willingness to act against former colleagues and against anyone the British State view as a past or present threat.still. Attempts to change the system from within will only result in Republicans being stuck on the other side of the barricade. Experience demonstrates that it is far more effective to apply pressure from without.
IN CONCLUSION, an alternative needs to be built for a joint strategy between Socialists, Republicans and other progressive forces to create pressure from without not from within.
I believe that the only viable alternative to endorsing the RUC/PSNI and the Criminal Justice System is that republican activists from all shades of republicans need to build bridges with each other and begin a process which will formulate a comprehensive strategy aimed at building a principled republican and socialist alternative to the Belfast Agreement.
(The above speech was delivered by IRSP member Eddie McGarrigle at a policing debate in Derry attended by over 400. Neither Sinn Feins (provisional or republican wings) sent speakers.)
Housing Crisis
Recently the Housing Executive revealed that there are currently no more plans to build any further social housing in the Shankill area. This is despite the fact that local people want more social housing. Like many other areas of Belfast both nationalist and unionist areas there is growing concern at the growth in the private (landlord) rented sector. The H.E. claim there is no need for social housing. This is at a time when landlords from all over Ireland and Britain are buying up property as an investment and then letting them out to people with no stake in the area. This can then lead to anti social behaviour as young people, who like to party, are placed beside families and old aged pensioners.
Without social housing many working class families are placed into the hands of the landlord class who exploit their power by evicting people in order to raise the rents. With the rise in rates and the introduction of water charges in April the landlords will pass on the increases to the tenants.
In the lower Shankill area, which has plenty of open spaces, the lack of social houses means that locals are being then forced to move into other areas. Eventually then the land will be released to speculators to build massive apartments blocks for the gentrified workers in the city centre.
The landlords are granting short-term leases to some tenants so that they can then raise the rent every six months or so. Meanwhile the Housing Executive’s waiting list grows longer and longer as the rise in interest rates forces young couples out of the market to buy new homes. More and more of these in areas are been snapped up by speculators for the rental market. Unfortunately some of these people are former republicans who once claimed to stand for some kind of socialism.
From the Media
Housing problem "at worst for 20 years" - Dove House
The housing problem in Derry is at its worst for 20 years and it's not getting any better, according to Kathleen Bradley of Dove House.
By Laurence McClenaghan
She said a full-scale crisis is on the way because so many young and single people can't get housing.
Kathleen told the 'Journal' that she is advising 140 people a month on the issue at the Bogside Centre.
She said it was past time for local politicians to become active on the problem.
"If the Brandywell stadium can go to the top of the political agenda, then the need for somewhere to live should be at the forefront of political debate locally and that is where we at Dove House aim to put it," she said. "What good is somewhere to play football if people do not have their own homes to return to?
"Single people with no disabilities or no children can not get off the bottom of the housing list. They simply can't access social, affordable housing. The Housing Executive list is organised in such a way that single people are not given any priority.
"I have queried the new system as it has single people looking for one bedroom flats on the same list as people with a family looking for three bedroom homes, people who need wheelchair access and so on. They are not looking for the same properties so why are they on the same list?"
Mrs. Bradley also hit out at politicians who she believes have not done enough to combat the shortage of social housing.
"I started petitioning on the issue a few years ago but the politicians never came near me. I would advise people to ask more of the politicians who will be campaigning and canvassing at the doors soon."
Kathleen feels so strongly about the issue that she has formed a focus group in a bid to lobby local politicians ahead of the forthcoming elections.
"People in this town do not have £110 per week to pay in rent charges. Young people should have a right to independent living.
"On average I advise eight people every day on housing rights, housing benefits and how long they can expect to wait on a housing list. People want to know their options and realistically they only have two - buy or rent from a private landlord. £80,000 of debt for a one-bedroom flat is not an option.
"We are calling for the creation of a focus group at Stormont to address the problem as it is at its worst in 20 years.
"We advise everyone to sign on the housing list as soon as the are 18 years old but the issue is at crisis point and I am calling on our politicians to generate some movement on the problem. We in the community sector are dealing with the consequences from the failure to deal with the problem."
09 January 2007
NORTHERN IRELAND
The Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions) (Northern
Ireland) Order 2007
Police powers to examine documents or records
13.⎯(1) A constable who performs a lawful search of any premises or person—
(a) may examine any document or record found in order to ascertain whether
it contains information relating to the commission or proposed
commission of serious crime; and
(b) if necessary or expedient for the purpose of sub-paragraph (a), may
remove the document or record to another place and retain it there until
the examination is completed.
(2) Paragraph (1) shall not permit a person to examine a document or record if
he has reasonable cause to believe that it is an item subject to legal privilege.
(3) Where the document or record examined under paragraph (1)(a) is stored in
any electronic form, the constable may require it to be produced in a form in
which it can be removed under paragraph (1)(b) and in which it is visible and
legible or from which it can readily be produced in a visible and legible form.
(4) Subject to paragraphs (5) and (6), a document or record may not be retained
by virtue of paragraph (1)(b) for more than 48 hours.
(5) A police officer who is of at least the rank of chief inspector may authorise a
constable to retain a document or record for a further period or periods.
(6) Paragraph (5) does not permit the retention of a document or record after
the end of the period of 96 hours beginning with the time when it was removed
for examination under paragraph (1)(b).
(7) Where a document or record is examined under this Article⎯
(a) it shall not be photographed or copied, and
(b) the person who examines it shall make a written record of the examination
as soon as is reasonably practicable.
(8) The record shall—
(a) describe the document or record,
(b) specify the object of the examination,
(c) state the address of the premises where the document or record was found,
Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions)
(d) where the document or record was found in the course of a search of a
person, state the person’s name,
(e) where the document or record was found in the course of a search of any
premises, state the name of a person appearing to the person making the
record to be the occupier of the premises or to have had custody or control
of the document or record when it was found,
(f) where the document or record is removed for examination from the place
where it was found, state the date and time when it was removed; and
(g) where the document or record was examined at the place where it was
found, state the date and time of examination;
(h) identify the constable by whom the examination was carried out by
reference to his police number, and
(9) Where a person makes a record of a search in accordance with this Article,
he shall as soon as is reasonably practicable supply a copy—
(a) in a case where the document or record was found in the course of a
search of a person, to that person, and
(b) in a case where the document or record was found in the course of a
search of any premises, to a person appearing to the person making the
record to be the occupier of the premises or to have had custody or control
of the document or record when it was found.
(10) In this Article⎯
“item subject to legal privilege” and “premises” have the same meanings as in
the Police and Criminal Evidence (Northern Ireland) Order 1989(NI 12)).
“serious crime” has the meaning given by section 85(2) and (3) of the
Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (c.23);
“document or record” includes a document or record stored in any electronic
form.
Fact file
Life in Britain today
In 2006 living standards fell, not rise.
Inflation is outstripping average wage rises for the first time since 1995.
Mortgages have risen by 13 per cent
Electricity by 27 per cent,
Gas bills by 38 per cent. For 1.4 million pensioners surviving on less than £5,000 a year, it could mean hypothermia.
Debt - on credit cards and overdrafts - has risen to a staggering £8,592 per household.
1.71 million are unemployed.
Mortgage failures are up: 34,626 homes were repossessed in the last three months. Nearly 100,000 people are officially homeless, while the charity Crisis reckons a further 380,000 are sleeping rough or "sofa surfing".
£8.8 billion in City bonuses was handed out this year. This is on top of an average wage rise for FTSE 100 top directors of 28 per cent.
Three one-day strikes, followed by a two-day walkout secured an extra £1 an hour for 272 GMB union members at JJB Sports Wigan depot .
The TGWU general union's Justice for Cleaners campaign of direct action has forced the biggest cleaning contractor in the world to recognise the rights of 20,000 London cleaners.
(source Workers Power e-News ISSUE #15)
.
International news
Venezuela Recovers Social Property
Chavez announces radical measures against capitalism in Venezuela
By Fred Weston
Tuesday, 09 January 2007
President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela during the swearing in ceremony of his new cabinet gave a fiery speech in which he announced a series of radical measures. If carried out they would be a serious blow against the power of the oligarchy and imperialism in Venezuela. The proposals he made reflect the sharp turn to the left in the country as a whole. They reflect the real mood of the masses and their desire for radical change and an end to capitalism in the country.
In December he won a massive victory, the biggest ever since the Bolivarian Revolution began. The balance of forces is now weighted very heavily in favour of the Venezuelan masses. Chavez has absolute control of parliament and massive support among the population. The conditions exist for snuffing out capitalism once and for all.
The list of measures announced by Chavez would mean striking at the very heart of Venezuelan capitalism. It is not by chance that an article that appeared in the Washington Post yesterday, commenting on his speech, appears under the title "Chavez accelerates Venezuela's socialist revolution". The title encapsulates very well what is happening in Venezuela. The serious bourgeois analysts understand what the Marxists understand. Capitalism could be eradicated in Venezuela quite easily.
In his speech Chavez emphasised that Venezuela has entered a new phase, which he defined as the "National Simon Bolivar Project of 2007-2021", which would aim to build "Bolivarian Socialism". Tomorrow, Chavez will speak again at his own swearing-in ceremony, where he says he will outline in more detail what this project will consist of, but already he has pointed to five main points, five "motors" of the revolution: a special "enabling" law, further constitutional reform, popular education, reconstruction of the organs of state power, and explosion of communal power.
The enabling law is the main plank of his proposals. It would allow Chavez, over the coming year, to push through a series of decrees. He specifically pointed out that a central part of the law would include the nationalisation of key industries that had been privatised by past governments, such as the Venezuelan telecommunications company CANTV (privatised in 1991) and the electricity industry. Earlier this year he had already threatened to nationalise CANTV if it did not adjust its pension payments to come in line with the minimum wage.
He was very clear about what needs to be done. He said, "All of that which was privatised, let it be nationalised", which received a big applause. He added that the aim was to establish "social ownership over the strategic sectors of the means of production."
He also plans to increase state control over the oil industry. At present there are four Orinoco Oil Belt projects that the state runs as joint ventures with the US companies Exxon Mobil, Conoco, and Chevron, France's Total, Britain's BP, and Norway's Statoil, but the state has a minority share in these. Now Chavez proposes taking a majority share, thus strengthening the state's control over these important projects which account for 18% of the country's oil production.
He announced that the text of the law is ready and would soon go to the National Assembly.
He also proposed new constitutional reforms. He did not specify what kind of reforms he is proposing but in his speech he said he would base himself on the "popular power, the true combustible", referring to the need to base the revolution on the grassroots, the people that have consistently supported the revolution. He added that, "We're moving toward a socialist republic of Venezuela, and that requires a deep reform of our national constitution... We're heading toward socialism, and nothing and no one can prevent it."
One specific reform he did mention was that of establishing greater control over the Central Bank. The Bank is presently independent. Chavez wants to remove this. As he pointed out, this independence makes it an instrument of "neo-liberalism". This is a correct decision. The central bank directors have systematically put up opposition to Chavez's policy of using state funds to alleviate poverty and carry out genuine reforms. They have used the independence of the bank to defend the interests of the unelected oligarchy that wishes to maintain its control over the fundamental levers of the economy.
Other measures he outlined included that of setting up a "Bolivarian popular education." He explained that this would "deepen the new values and demolish the old values of individualism, capitalism, of egotism."
He stressed the need to give a greater say in running things to the poorer areas of the country, clearly indicating the need to shift power to the masses that support the revolution. He said that what needed to be done is to "dismantle the bourgeois state" because all states "were born to prevent revolutions." This is to be done by giving more power to the newly set up Communal Councils and by developing them from the bottom up with the aim of creating a new state based on these Communal Councils.
Before his speech he had already taken a firm decision not to renew the broadcast concession to the RCTV, a TV Company that has consistently supported all the undemocratic manoeuvres to remove Chavez. It supported the 2002 coup and the sabotage of the oil industry. Chavez has been attacked for this by the Opposition and imperialism. They want the freedom to manoeuvre and plot against the democratically elected government of Venezuela. Imagine if in the USA a private TV channel supported a coup attempt to remove Bush. How would the Republicans react? That TV station would not survive one day longer.
Another measure that had already been announced, and that can be seen in the same light as the ones announced yesterday, is the removal of Vice-president Jose Vicente Rangel and his replacement by Jorge Rodriguez. Rangel had come to be seen as a representative of the most moderate elements within the Bolivarian leadership and he specifically had opposed the expropriation of the Caracas golf courses announced by the mayor Barreto at the end of August last year. At that time Rangel said the government was fully for the respect of private property.
Marxists cannot but give full-hearted supported to the measures announced by Chavez. We have consistently argued that the Venezuelan revolution cannot stop halfway. Either it moves forward to the expropriation of the commanding heights of the economy, thus breaking the power of the oligarchy and imperialism, or the process could unravel, with the oligarchy using its control of the economy to carry out acts of sabotage and wear down the revolution.
The massive victory in the December elections was a clear signal that the masses want to move on and take on the oligarchy. Chavez's speech reflects this situation. It explains why he stated that, "Nothing or no-one will be able to push us off course in our pursuit of... Venezuelan socialism, our socialism." During his speech he specifically referred to the ideals of Marx and Lenin.
The reaction of the bourgeoisie internationally has been as could be expected. Alberto Ramos writing for Goldman Sachs has commented that, "These disconcerting policy announcements represent a clear turn into deeper nationalist and interventionist policies, which can lead to further erosion of business confidence and the country's macro and institutional fundamentals." Richard La Rosa, an equities trader at Activalores Sociedad de Corretaje CA said that, "We all expected some radical announcements after his swearing-in, but this took markets completely by surprise. We never imagined that he would name a company specifically. It left all of us in shock." He added that, "The big question in the marketplace is how are we going to be compensated? No one doubts of Chavez's intentions at this point." Many are making the comment that Chavez could go down the road that Cuba took back in the early 1960s, when Castro nationalised the bulk of the economy.
Chavez is to be sworn in tomorrow as President. This will be his third term in office and would take him up to 2013. The bourgeoisie in Venezuela and internationally is mounting a rabid hate campaign against Chavez as he moves further and further to the left. This is not by accident. Their real material interests are at stake here. If Chavez goes all the way he will receive the enthusiastic support of the Venezuelan masses. In the recent period Chavez had spoken about making the revolutionary process in Venezuela "irreversible". There is only one way of doing that: expropriate the bourgeoisie and build a revolutionary state based on the working class.
When he says that it is necessary to "dismantle the bourgeois state" he is absolutely right. The present state is riddled with agents of the old regime. The big majority of civil servants and top state officials is still made up of people appointed in the past to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie. They cannot be trusted. Every day, every minute they are manoeuvring to block any progressive reform. They are trying to slow down the revolution, hoping to wear it down and prepare the ground for a return of the old regime. Chavez has often referred to bureaucratism and corruption at all levels that are blocking the revolutionary process.
What is needed is to shift the centre of action to the masses themselves. The only force that Chavez can really trust is that of the Venezuelan working class, the peasants and the poor. Now is the time for committees to be elected in all the factories and other workplaces, in the working class neighbourhoods. These should elect delegates to higher bodies, eventually leading to a national body. This would be the instrument that could "dismantle the bourgeois state" and build a "revolutionary state".
It is to be noted that one of the few companies specifically mentioned as being up for nationalisation is CANTV, where workers and former workers have been fighting for their rights and demanding nationalisation for the last few months. This will surely provide a new impetus to the struggle of workers at Sanitarios Maracay for nationalisation under workers' control.
The UNT should take the initiative of calling immediately a National Workers' Conference to discuss these measures and take concrete steps of the workers in key sectors of the economy to organise themselves the struggle for nationalisation under workers' control and pre-empt any attempt of the bosses to sabotage them or strip them of assets or valuable information. Such a Conference should also call for a national day of action of factory occupations in which the 800 companies already mentioned by Chavez a year and a half ago should be taken over and with them all strategic sectors of the economy should also be occupied by the workers.
Chavez sees the need to "deepen" the revolution. He understands that the revolution cannot stand still. It must move on. He can see that every time he tries to push the process further, the bureaucracy comes up with a thousand and one obstacles. He feels that he cannot make this state machine do what he wants. The only road is therefore to break this machine and build a new one based on the workers.
In the next few days we will provide a more in depth analysis of what is happening in Venezuela, but what is clear is that an acceleration of the whole process is taking place in Venezuela. If the Venezuelan revolution were victorious in the coming period it would be seen as a beacon by the masses of the whole of Latin America and beyond. It would usher in a new period of revolutions. That is why all genuine socialists, communists, cannot but be enthused by the new turn of events and give their full-hearted support to the revolution. The bourgeoisie is lining up internationally, using all it has, its control of the media, the economy and so on, to strike blows at the Venezuelan revolution. It is our duty in all countries to counter this with all our might.
(from In Defence of Marxism- www.marxist.com/index.php)
From the Media
Future of Iraq: The Spoils of War
Iraq's massive oil reserves, the third-largest in the world, are about to be thrown open for large-scale exploitation by Western oil companies under a controversial law which is expected to come before the Iraqi parliament within days. The US government has been involved in drawing up the law, a draft of which has been seen by The Independent on Sunday. It would give big oil companies such as BP, Shell and Exxon 30-year contracts to extract Iraqi crude and allow the first large-scale operation of foreign oil interests in the country since the industry was nationalised in 1972. The huge potential prizes for Western firms will give ammunition to critics who say the Iraq war was fought for oil. They point to statements such as one from Vice-President Dick Cheney, who said in 1999, while he was still chief executive of the oil services company Halliburton, that the world would need an additional 50 million barrels of oil a day by 2010.
"So where is the oil going to come from?... The Middle East, with two-thirds of the world's oil and the lowest cost, is still where the prize ultimately lies," he said. Oil industry executives and analysts say the law, which would permit Western companies to pocket up to three-quarters of profits in the early years, is the only way to get Iraq's oil industry back on its feet after years of sanctions, war and loss of expertise. But it will operate through "production-sharing agreements" (or PSAs) which are highly unusual in the Middle East, where the oil industry in Saudi Arabia and Iran, the world's two largest producers, is state controlled. Opponents say Iraq, where oil accounts for 95 per cent of the economy, is being forced to surrender an unacceptable degree of sovereignty.
Proposing the parliamentary motion for war in 2003, Tony Blair denied the "false claim" that "we want to seize" Iraq's oil revenues. He said the money should be put into a trust fund, run by the UN, for the Iraqis, but the idea came to nothing. The same year Colin Powell, then Secretary of State, said: "It cost a great deal of money to prosecute this war. But the oil of the Iraqi people belongs to the Iraqi people; it is their wealth, it will be used for their benefit. So we did not do it for oil." Supporters say the provision allowing oil companies to take up to 75 per cent of the profits will last until they have recouped initial drilling costs. After that, they would collect about 20 per cent of all profits, according to industry sources in Iraq. But that is twice the industry average for such deals. Greg Muttitt, a researcher for Platform, a human rights and environmental group which monitors the oil industry, said Iraq was being asked to pay an enormous price over the next 30 years for its present instability. "They would lose out massively," he said, "because they don't have the capacity at the moment to strike a good deal." Iraq's Deputy Prime Minister, Barham Salih, who chairs the country's oil committee, is expected to unveil the legislation as early as today.
"It is a redrawing of the whole Iraqi oil industry [to] a modern standard," said Khaled Salih, spokesman for the Kurdish Regional Government, a party to the negotiations. The Iraqi government hopes to have the law on the books by March. Several major oil companies are said to have sent teams into the country in recent months to lobby for deals ahead of the law, though the big names are considered unlikely to invest until the violence in Iraq abates. James Paul, executive director at the Global Policy Forum, the international government watchdog, said: "It is not an exaggeration to say that the overwhelming majority of the population would be opposed to this. To do it anyway, with minimal discussion within the [Iraqi] parliament is really just pouring more oil on the fire." Vince Cable, the Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesman and a former chief economist at Shell, said it was crucial that any deal would guarantee funds for rebuilding Iraq. "It is absolutely vital that the revenue from the oil industry goes into Iraqi development and is seen to do so," he said. "Although it does make sense to collaborate with foreign investors, it is very important the terms are seen to be fair."
(By Danny Fortson, Andrew Murray-Watson and Tim Webb
The Independent UK Sunday 07 January 2007)
What’s On?
ANTI-WAR IRELAND NOTICE
An event in Dublin for your diary. Caoimhe will also speak in Belfast, Cork, Galway and Derry. More details later.
Caoimhe Butterly to Speak in Dublin on 20th January
dublin miscellaneous news report
info@antiwarireland.org
Report-back on her months in Lebanon
Caoimhe Butterly, who has spent the past five months in Lebanon and who experienced the results of Israel's onslaught last year, will be back in Ireland briefly at the end of January. During her visit, she will speak on her experiences in Lebanon (in both Beirut and the South) and will be highlighting projects that she is currently involved with (including a film project about life in the wake of the Israeli bombardment and invasion).
Her first talk will be in Dublin at a public meeting jointly organised by Anti-War Ireland (AWI), Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM) and the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC). The meeting will be chaired by Raymond Deane of the IPSC.
When: Saturday, 20th January at 2pm
Where: Teachers' Club, Parnell Square, Dublin
This should be a very interesting meeting and should people some sense of what the Lebanese people have suffered, and continue to suffer, as a result of Israeli imperialist aggression.
Admission is free and all are welcome!
In addition, Caoimhe will later speak at Anti-War Ireland public meetings in Belfast and Cork; at a Derry Anti-War Coalition meeting in Derry city; and at a public meeting in Galway hosted by the EcoSoc of NUI, Galway. More details on these meetings will be posted later.
Cuireadh/ Invite
East Down Migrant Workers Support Group
Sveiki – Olá – Cześć / Dzień dobry – ЗДраствуй
The newly formed EDMWSG would like to invite you to their afternoon launch in the
Down County Museum
Thursday 1st February
1pm sharp
guest speakers in attendance followed by a light lunch and refreshments.
For more information-see press release below.
RSVP to macmanais@hotmail.co.uk or stephen.onuallain@btinternet.com
07919137349/07801189971 by Friday 26th January
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
The last number of years has seen a welcome increase in the numbers of migrant workers coming to Down District to play an increasingly important role in meeting the labour needs of local businesses and industries. Unfortunately they have at times met various levels of exploitation, prejudice and indeed physical attack.
In response to the above The East Down Migrant Workers Support Group seeks to tackle the exploitation and prejudice faced by migrant workers in the Down district and where possible to offer assistance in accessing local services, offering advice on employment and trade union rights and assisting then in playing an active role in local communities.
A spokesperson for the group commented, “I am very pleased to announce this hands-on project for the betterment of all the community. The migrant community provide a rich cultural addition to our area and it is our duty to provide practical support to them wherever necessary”.
The EDMWSG is comprised of community activists from across the political spectrum, migrant workers themselves and trade unionists. The EDMSWG is being launched at the Down County Museum on the 1st February at 1pm. All are welcome, especially migrant workers, political representatives and civic leaders. A guest speaker will be in attendance, followed by lunch and refreshments.
For further information contact 07919137349/ 07801189971
Please feel free to comment on the contents of the Plough. We welcome political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive the Plough as an attachment please e-mail with heading “add attachment”
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive the Plough please send his or her e-mail address to
Johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
If you wish to receive back copies of the “The Plough” Please e-mail” to
johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net tating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to the Plough please send e-mail entitled “unsubscribe” to johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
It is the policy of the Plough to acknowledge information and articles from other sources.
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have re-launched their website.
It can be viewed at
www.rsym.org
An Glór / The Voice
News sheet of Belfast Republican Socialist Youth Movement
January 2007
Circulation: 400
- Brit police never acceptable
- Maghaberry Prison protest continues
- Assets Recovery Agency, a question of money
- Support the Turkish death fast
- Ard Fheis rejects any move towards INLA decommissioning
- Volunteer Davy McNutt RIP
http://www.rsym.org/pdf/magazines/anGlor1.pdf
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have produced a short video on the situation concerning Shannon airport and its continued use by American troops and the CIA. The video can be viewed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH0WqJb95l8
Subscribe to the bi-monthly “The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta”
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
E-mail plough@irsm.org
The Starry Plough
http://irsm.org/irsp/starryplough
IRSP: Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na h-Éireann
http://irsm.org/
James Connolly Society
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/
James Connolly Archive
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP is
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/index.cgi
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - Website
A website that offers a central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this effort go towards the IRSM and it’s various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/index.html
Donate to the IRSP:
Standing Order Form
Vol. 4- No 2
Saturday 20th January 2007
E-mail newsletter of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Editorial
2) The Policing Debate
3) Housing Crisis
4) From the media
a. Housing problem "at worst for 20 years
5) International news
a. Venezuela Recovers Social Property
6) From the media
*
a. Future of Iraq: The Spoils of War
Editorial
In this edition we carry the speech of Comrade Eddie McGarrigle in Derry at a packed meeting of Republicans. We also reprint in full a section of the 2007 Northern Ireland The Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions) (Northern Ireland) Order 2007 which deals with the police powers to examine and remove any documents which they so choose without having any knowledge that a crime may have been committed. Despite major terror attacks in Britain recently such powers have not been introduced into any other part of the British isles. The assurance from British Minister Goggins that;
"In the process, a police officer must have a reasonable suspicion that having examined those documents he may have a reasonable suspicion that a crime has taken place. "The police can't go around willy-nilly seeking documents, there has
to be a rationale here.”
is not worth the paper it is printed on. Since when in the whole history of the Northern state has the police force been either reasonable or conscientious about their legal responsibilities? Teach na Failte has already suffered the seizure of documents 18 months ago and harassment of members despite no evidence that a crime had been committed. Those documents were held for far longer than under the new legislation despite the fact that the raids produced absolutely no evidence of crime or of Teach na FaIlte linked to crime. It was a clearly politically motivated police assault designed to put Teach na Failte out of business and hinder the growing spread of republican socialist ideas.
While in order to facilitate the so-called peace process the British Government reduce occupation forces to the level they were in 1969 before the “troubles” dismantle forts that did not exist in 1969 and repeal legislation that did not exist in 1969 they have also introduced more repressive legislation and brought MI5 into the North big time.
We also reproduce an article on the situation in Venezuela and all comrades should note the basic demand that Chavez has called for-to renationalise that which has been privatized. That demand if used here in Ireland would soon sort out the so-called socialists both North and South quite happy to introduce privitisation measures. It should be a central demand for everyone standing for election who calls him/herself a socialist
The Policing Debate
Tonight's debate is to be welcomed. It’s not too often that such a wide representation from within republicanism gather in debate. Having attended two previous debates, which were at times acrimonious, I would hope that tonight we at the least act in a courteous manner and debate in a comradely and progressive fashion.
We have all gathered here tonight to debate and discuss whether or not the acceptance and endorsement of the Policing and Justice system in the North of Ireland by S. F. is a Bridge too far for republicans. This issue has caused alarm within republicanism such is the magnitude of such a decision. It is an emotive and sensitive issue and one which deserves and demands full and open clarity on the strategy of those who propose that it is the right thing to do. The objective as stated by Sinn Fein is the ending of political and partisan policing and the establishment of a democratically accountable policing service in the North of Ireland. The IRSP do not believe that this is possible, we do not hold the position that republicans can change the policing and justice systems from within and we do not believe that it is in any way realistic to believe that the RUC/PSNI will be or a non-partisan non-political policing service.
That is the Republican Socialist viewpoint and I will outline the reasons why we have this position. Ultimately it is down to the membership of Sinn Fein. It is their decision. The consensus amongst all republicans is that we all profess to want an end to British rule in Ireland and an end of political policing in Ireland. There are obvious disagreements as to the strategies deployed
This issue has come about as a natural consequence of Sinn Feins acceptance of the G.F.A. For the record our analysis of the G.F.A. is that it copper-fastens partition and encourages sectarianism by institutionalizing it. We do not view it as a transitional stage nor as a stepping stone to a united Ireland. This is a major point on of division within republicanism. We view the Belfast Agreement as being based upon an acceptance of the unionist veto and therefore the continuation of British rule. Institutions of this statelet such as the policing and the justice systems are tasked not only with upholding and maintaining the constitutional status quo but also the upholding and maintenance of Britain's National interests. The primary function of all police forces is to defend the authority & legitimacy of the State and to serve the interests of those in power.
Despite our position on the GFA we argued face to face with Provisional Sinn Fein that they did not have to take part in the power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal economic policies such as the water tax.. Oppositional politics where they would not have to "play by the rules" would in our opinion would have been a more successful strategy.
I want to nail on the head the perception by some that (1) that because we were anti-GFA that somehow we want a return to war, we do not view armed struggle as a viable tactic at present to achieve republican objectives. ((2) That all republicans who oppose the endorsement of the RUC/PSNI along with The Criminal Justice system want or desire a return to armed conflict, that is false. As Bernadette Mc Aliskey said "The wars over and the good guys lost".
It is our opinion that, given the position adopted by the Sinn Fein leadership, that there was never any doubt that the outcome of embracing what we consider to be a reformist strategy was always going to lead them into the acceptance of the British policing service and structures.
It would appear that the perception of a growing number of republicans is that the outcome of years of negotiations have resulted solely in a restructuring and updating of British rule in Ireland. The view that process of negotiations as one which can be best summed up and characterised by a series of hoops that S.F. republicans have had to jump through before their opponents accept the validity of their electoral mandate.
However we are not here to analyze the merits or shortfalls of the G.F.A. As I stated at the beginning we are here to discuss whether or not republicans should endorse and implement policing and justice within the parameters set out by the British government and within the framework of the GFA and St. Andrews Agreement. We should confine our debate to this and not cloud the core question by engaging in a discussion which centres on a narrow "law and order" perspective. We need police because we have crime, etc. Public endorsement of any police service does not by the way automatically mean a reduction in crime, just look at the situation in the Free State.
Crime, punishment and policing in society are all matters worthy of debate but we are not here to discuss these matters nor are we here to be here to be sidetracked into issues such as who has or hasn't the best strategy of achieving the republican objectives of a 32 county socialist republic, to allow this debate to be sidetracked away from the core question under debate will only muddy the issue and further divide republicans.
I accept that many genuine republicans within Sinn Fein who have dedicated their lives to republicanism differ from this view and believe in their hearts that they will change the system from within and that the road they have taken will lead to a united Ireland. They are mistaken. Both the G.F.A and the St. Andrew's Agreement have inbuilt safeguards to neutralise any attempts to 'change the system from within'.
In previous policing debates Declan Kearney outlines the Sf position as one in which policing and the justice system are solely sites of struggle in which the objective is to change the system from within, he maintains that by doing so SF will get rid of political policing and deal with issues such as collusion. Those of us who quite simply do not buy into this are advised to live in the real world and to take the long term view, however I have yet to hear from Declan or anyone else in SF as to how exactly SF are going to reform from within state institutions such as the RUC/PSNI. Never mind their strategy in moving beyond the GFA. No amount of party spin or honeyed words escape from the fact that the British Government have ultimate control in relation to policing, in the real world by signing up to and endorsing the policing structures republicans will not make the law, they will administer it, it will be British law. This is not the local council we are talking about nor is it the Health or Education Boards.
Primarily what tonight is all about is about providing a platform for open and honest debate, it is not about listening to carefully constructed political rhetoric cantering around vague and potentially misleading aspirations which talk about the so-called long term view. Tonight's core question gives to Sinn Fein the perfect opportunity to reassure those Republicans prepared to just say no to any vote of approval for the British constabulary, tonight Sinn Fein have the opportunity to enlighten all of us and to assure all republicans that all of the legitimate objections and disagreements could be answered. If Stormont and the endorsement of both the British constabulary and the Criminal Justice system were truly some form of purgatory to be suffered briefly before entering a united Ireland then tonight we need to hear exactly what their strategy is in relation to circumventing existing frameworks and legislation, spell it out without the usual spin-doctoring which characterised previous submissions from Sf in Conway mill and Toomebridge. Failure do so will reinforce the obvious fear which is that endorsing the PSNI would be a final step in their objectives of Ulsterization, criminalization and normalization.
Much has been made of the role of M15 in the north of Ireland. So much for Brookes statement about Britain having no strategic or selfish interest in Irish affairs, instead of wasting energy on so-called negotiations on whether or not M15 would have a role in with the RUC/PSNI. Sf should have demanded that it is not acceptable for M15 to be here at all. Sine. The prize of political power seems to have blinded some to the reality of what MI5 and political policing is all about.
SF are bizarrely, claiming a victory of sorts after Tony Blair's statement in the House of Commons when he stated that MI5 and the PSNI would be two separate entities.
In fact:
(1) MI5 is taking over and getting primacy for intelligence led political policing;
(2) It covers so-called domestic terrorism as well as international; and
(3)The Police Ombudsman will not be able to investigate what MI5 are up to.
Gerry Kelly has stated that Sinn Fein wanted to "stop MI5 having any role in civic policing here" and that Blairs' proposals will "go a long way towards achieving that objective."
We are told by Blair and agreed by SF that there will be "No secondment of PSNI members to MI5" This is misleading. Blair states that "police officers who act in a liaison capacity with the Security Services will be PSNI Headquarters staff."
We are told that arrangements will be made that the Ombudsmans Office will have access to information held by MI5 where this is necessary to the discharge of her duties." Who decides this? The Police Ombudsman is promised no statutory power to access information MI5 hold. All that is said is that MI5 can agree to give her documents. But the bottom line is they don't have to if they don't want to. How Sinn Fein can claim this as a success. So what really has PSF achieved during these negotiations to end political policing and is it possible for all of us to shift through all the spin, half truths and lies that we are being bombarded with by both the British government, the leadership of PSF and the PSNI and come to the real truth on the end product of these negotiations. SFs stated negotiating position was that MI5 had no role in Ireland whatsoever but later dropped that position to demands of no MI5 role in civic policing, which PSF now claim to have achieved. But have they really? MI5's role and remit can be extended as the British Government expands the definition of national security ever wider.
MI5 will affect how political policing is carried out by the PSNI. But MI5 will not have to account to the Police Ombudsman for their effects on policing – because she can only investigate the PSNI
Where are republican principles in all of this? Undoubtedly MI5 are a malign unaccountable political force who will have a close a working relationship with the PSNI, after all they are two sides of the same coin who serve the same master - the British establishment and its interests. Mainstream republicans are being asked to endorse, legitimise and fully co-operate with the PSNI who in turn will be fully co-operating with MI5 in the targeting, arresting and imprisonment of anyone judged to be detrimental to the interests of British national security, in other words Irish republicans. Provisional republicans are also, bizarrely, being asked by their leadership to endorse the judicial system, Diplock courts and the unaccountable Public Prosecution Service. Tinkering with these institutions does not amount to having control of them,
Limited devolved policing and Justice powers to Stormont will not give us independent accountable, civic policing and justice. To claim that they will is nothing more than political spin and is a lie.
If republicans endorse these institutions they will be endorsing PSNI operations on so-called 'dissidents' and also their investigations into past republican activities. What then will the position be in regard to the Historical enquiries Team findings? Will it be similar to the public advice given to 4 members of the Provisional movement in the Bobby Tohill case? "Give yourself up lads"
There is a consensus amongst those on this platform that policing in the North under its present form is unacceptable for various reasons. Where the speakers differ is what is to be done about it. There are two strategies. The first, embraced by Sinn Fein, is to attempt to change the policing and justice system from within. The second is to create pressure for change from without. Experience shows that once you attempt to create change from within, the parameters of the system create constraints which prevent political actions to transform it. Once you are in, you have to play by the enemy's rules - it is not the system which will have to obey Republican rules. Accepting and endorsing the policing and justice system is not a Republican strategy - it is a British state and Unionist demand. They have already determined the rules of the game. DUP politicians such as Gregory Campbell and James McAllister have already made clear that the ultimate test for Sinn Fein will not be formal recognition of the policing and justice system, but the party's willingness to act against former colleagues and against anyone the British State view as a past or present threat.still. Attempts to change the system from within will only result in Republicans being stuck on the other side of the barricade. Experience demonstrates that it is far more effective to apply pressure from without.
IN CONCLUSION, an alternative needs to be built for a joint strategy between Socialists, Republicans and other progressive forces to create pressure from without not from within.
I believe that the only viable alternative to endorsing the RUC/PSNI and the Criminal Justice System is that republican activists from all shades of republicans need to build bridges with each other and begin a process which will formulate a comprehensive strategy aimed at building a principled republican and socialist alternative to the Belfast Agreement.
(The above speech was delivered by IRSP member Eddie McGarrigle at a policing debate in Derry attended by over 400. Neither Sinn Feins (provisional or republican wings) sent speakers.)
Housing Crisis
Recently the Housing Executive revealed that there are currently no more plans to build any further social housing in the Shankill area. This is despite the fact that local people want more social housing. Like many other areas of Belfast both nationalist and unionist areas there is growing concern at the growth in the private (landlord) rented sector. The H.E. claim there is no need for social housing. This is at a time when landlords from all over Ireland and Britain are buying up property as an investment and then letting them out to people with no stake in the area. This can then lead to anti social behaviour as young people, who like to party, are placed beside families and old aged pensioners.
Without social housing many working class families are placed into the hands of the landlord class who exploit their power by evicting people in order to raise the rents. With the rise in rates and the introduction of water charges in April the landlords will pass on the increases to the tenants.
In the lower Shankill area, which has plenty of open spaces, the lack of social houses means that locals are being then forced to move into other areas. Eventually then the land will be released to speculators to build massive apartments blocks for the gentrified workers in the city centre.
The landlords are granting short-term leases to some tenants so that they can then raise the rent every six months or so. Meanwhile the Housing Executive’s waiting list grows longer and longer as the rise in interest rates forces young couples out of the market to buy new homes. More and more of these in areas are been snapped up by speculators for the rental market. Unfortunately some of these people are former republicans who once claimed to stand for some kind of socialism.
From the Media
Housing problem "at worst for 20 years" - Dove House
The housing problem in Derry is at its worst for 20 years and it's not getting any better, according to Kathleen Bradley of Dove House.
By Laurence McClenaghan
She said a full-scale crisis is on the way because so many young and single people can't get housing.
Kathleen told the 'Journal' that she is advising 140 people a month on the issue at the Bogside Centre.
She said it was past time for local politicians to become active on the problem.
"If the Brandywell stadium can go to the top of the political agenda, then the need for somewhere to live should be at the forefront of political debate locally and that is where we at Dove House aim to put it," she said. "What good is somewhere to play football if people do not have their own homes to return to?
"Single people with no disabilities or no children can not get off the bottom of the housing list. They simply can't access social, affordable housing. The Housing Executive list is organised in such a way that single people are not given any priority.
"I have queried the new system as it has single people looking for one bedroom flats on the same list as people with a family looking for three bedroom homes, people who need wheelchair access and so on. They are not looking for the same properties so why are they on the same list?"
Mrs. Bradley also hit out at politicians who she believes have not done enough to combat the shortage of social housing.
"I started petitioning on the issue a few years ago but the politicians never came near me. I would advise people to ask more of the politicians who will be campaigning and canvassing at the doors soon."
Kathleen feels so strongly about the issue that she has formed a focus group in a bid to lobby local politicians ahead of the forthcoming elections.
"People in this town do not have £110 per week to pay in rent charges. Young people should have a right to independent living.
"On average I advise eight people every day on housing rights, housing benefits and how long they can expect to wait on a housing list. People want to know their options and realistically they only have two - buy or rent from a private landlord. £80,000 of debt for a one-bedroom flat is not an option.
"We are calling for the creation of a focus group at Stormont to address the problem as it is at its worst in 20 years.
"We advise everyone to sign on the housing list as soon as the are 18 years old but the issue is at crisis point and I am calling on our politicians to generate some movement on the problem. We in the community sector are dealing with the consequences from the failure to deal with the problem."
09 January 2007
NORTHERN IRELAND
The Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions) (Northern
Ireland) Order 2007
Police powers to examine documents or records
13.⎯(1) A constable who performs a lawful search of any premises or person—
(a) may examine any document or record found in order to ascertain whether
it contains information relating to the commission or proposed
commission of serious crime; and
(b) if necessary or expedient for the purpose of sub-paragraph (a), may
remove the document or record to another place and retain it there until
the examination is completed.
(2) Paragraph (1) shall not permit a person to examine a document or record if
he has reasonable cause to believe that it is an item subject to legal privilege.
(3) Where the document or record examined under paragraph (1)(a) is stored in
any electronic form, the constable may require it to be produced in a form in
which it can be removed under paragraph (1)(b) and in which it is visible and
legible or from which it can readily be produced in a visible and legible form.
(4) Subject to paragraphs (5) and (6), a document or record may not be retained
by virtue of paragraph (1)(b) for more than 48 hours.
(5) A police officer who is of at least the rank of chief inspector may authorise a
constable to retain a document or record for a further period or periods.
(6) Paragraph (5) does not permit the retention of a document or record after
the end of the period of 96 hours beginning with the time when it was removed
for examination under paragraph (1)(b).
(7) Where a document or record is examined under this Article⎯
(a) it shall not be photographed or copied, and
(b) the person who examines it shall make a written record of the examination
as soon as is reasonably practicable.
(8) The record shall—
(a) describe the document or record,
(b) specify the object of the examination,
(c) state the address of the premises where the document or record was found,
Policing (Miscellaneous Provisions)
(d) where the document or record was found in the course of a search of a
person, state the person’s name,
(e) where the document or record was found in the course of a search of any
premises, state the name of a person appearing to the person making the
record to be the occupier of the premises or to have had custody or control
of the document or record when it was found,
(f) where the document or record is removed for examination from the place
where it was found, state the date and time when it was removed; and
(g) where the document or record was examined at the place where it was
found, state the date and time of examination;
(h) identify the constable by whom the examination was carried out by
reference to his police number, and
(9) Where a person makes a record of a search in accordance with this Article,
he shall as soon as is reasonably practicable supply a copy—
(a) in a case where the document or record was found in the course of a
search of a person, to that person, and
(b) in a case where the document or record was found in the course of a
search of any premises, to a person appearing to the person making the
record to be the occupier of the premises or to have had custody or control
of the document or record when it was found.
(10) In this Article⎯
“item subject to legal privilege” and “premises” have the same meanings as in
the Police and Criminal Evidence (Northern Ireland) Order 1989(NI 12)).
“serious crime” has the meaning given by section 85(2) and (3) of the
Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (c.23);
“document or record” includes a document or record stored in any electronic
form.
Fact file
Life in Britain today
In 2006 living standards fell, not rise.
Inflation is outstripping average wage rises for the first time since 1995.
Mortgages have risen by 13 per cent
Electricity by 27 per cent,
Gas bills by 38 per cent. For 1.4 million pensioners surviving on less than £5,000 a year, it could mean hypothermia.
Debt - on credit cards and overdrafts - has risen to a staggering £8,592 per household.
1.71 million are unemployed.
Mortgage failures are up: 34,626 homes were repossessed in the last three months. Nearly 100,000 people are officially homeless, while the charity Crisis reckons a further 380,000 are sleeping rough or "sofa surfing".
£8.8 billion in City bonuses was handed out this year. This is on top of an average wage rise for FTSE 100 top directors of 28 per cent.
Three one-day strikes, followed by a two-day walkout secured an extra £1 an hour for 272 GMB union members at JJB Sports Wigan depot .
The TGWU general union's Justice for Cleaners campaign of direct action has forced the biggest cleaning contractor in the world to recognise the rights of 20,000 London cleaners.
(source Workers Power e-News ISSUE #15)
.
International news
Venezuela Recovers Social Property
Chavez announces radical measures against capitalism in Venezuela
By Fred Weston
Tuesday, 09 January 2007
President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela during the swearing in ceremony of his new cabinet gave a fiery speech in which he announced a series of radical measures. If carried out they would be a serious blow against the power of the oligarchy and imperialism in Venezuela. The proposals he made reflect the sharp turn to the left in the country as a whole. They reflect the real mood of the masses and their desire for radical change and an end to capitalism in the country.
In December he won a massive victory, the biggest ever since the Bolivarian Revolution began. The balance of forces is now weighted very heavily in favour of the Venezuelan masses. Chavez has absolute control of parliament and massive support among the population. The conditions exist for snuffing out capitalism once and for all.
The list of measures announced by Chavez would mean striking at the very heart of Venezuelan capitalism. It is not by chance that an article that appeared in the Washington Post yesterday, commenting on his speech, appears under the title "Chavez accelerates Venezuela's socialist revolution". The title encapsulates very well what is happening in Venezuela. The serious bourgeois analysts understand what the Marxists understand. Capitalism could be eradicated in Venezuela quite easily.
In his speech Chavez emphasised that Venezuela has entered a new phase, which he defined as the "National Simon Bolivar Project of 2007-2021", which would aim to build "Bolivarian Socialism". Tomorrow, Chavez will speak again at his own swearing-in ceremony, where he says he will outline in more detail what this project will consist of, but already he has pointed to five main points, five "motors" of the revolution: a special "enabling" law, further constitutional reform, popular education, reconstruction of the organs of state power, and explosion of communal power.
The enabling law is the main plank of his proposals. It would allow Chavez, over the coming year, to push through a series of decrees. He specifically pointed out that a central part of the law would include the nationalisation of key industries that had been privatised by past governments, such as the Venezuelan telecommunications company CANTV (privatised in 1991) and the electricity industry. Earlier this year he had already threatened to nationalise CANTV if it did not adjust its pension payments to come in line with the minimum wage.
He was very clear about what needs to be done. He said, "All of that which was privatised, let it be nationalised", which received a big applause. He added that the aim was to establish "social ownership over the strategic sectors of the means of production."
He also plans to increase state control over the oil industry. At present there are four Orinoco Oil Belt projects that the state runs as joint ventures with the US companies Exxon Mobil, Conoco, and Chevron, France's Total, Britain's BP, and Norway's Statoil, but the state has a minority share in these. Now Chavez proposes taking a majority share, thus strengthening the state's control over these important projects which account for 18% of the country's oil production.
He announced that the text of the law is ready and would soon go to the National Assembly.
He also proposed new constitutional reforms. He did not specify what kind of reforms he is proposing but in his speech he said he would base himself on the "popular power, the true combustible", referring to the need to base the revolution on the grassroots, the people that have consistently supported the revolution. He added that, "We're moving toward a socialist republic of Venezuela, and that requires a deep reform of our national constitution... We're heading toward socialism, and nothing and no one can prevent it."
One specific reform he did mention was that of establishing greater control over the Central Bank. The Bank is presently independent. Chavez wants to remove this. As he pointed out, this independence makes it an instrument of "neo-liberalism". This is a correct decision. The central bank directors have systematically put up opposition to Chavez's policy of using state funds to alleviate poverty and carry out genuine reforms. They have used the independence of the bank to defend the interests of the unelected oligarchy that wishes to maintain its control over the fundamental levers of the economy.
Other measures he outlined included that of setting up a "Bolivarian popular education." He explained that this would "deepen the new values and demolish the old values of individualism, capitalism, of egotism."
He stressed the need to give a greater say in running things to the poorer areas of the country, clearly indicating the need to shift power to the masses that support the revolution. He said that what needed to be done is to "dismantle the bourgeois state" because all states "were born to prevent revolutions." This is to be done by giving more power to the newly set up Communal Councils and by developing them from the bottom up with the aim of creating a new state based on these Communal Councils.
Before his speech he had already taken a firm decision not to renew the broadcast concession to the RCTV, a TV Company that has consistently supported all the undemocratic manoeuvres to remove Chavez. It supported the 2002 coup and the sabotage of the oil industry. Chavez has been attacked for this by the Opposition and imperialism. They want the freedom to manoeuvre and plot against the democratically elected government of Venezuela. Imagine if in the USA a private TV channel supported a coup attempt to remove Bush. How would the Republicans react? That TV station would not survive one day longer.
Another measure that had already been announced, and that can be seen in the same light as the ones announced yesterday, is the removal of Vice-president Jose Vicente Rangel and his replacement by Jorge Rodriguez. Rangel had come to be seen as a representative of the most moderate elements within the Bolivarian leadership and he specifically had opposed the expropriation of the Caracas golf courses announced by the mayor Barreto at the end of August last year. At that time Rangel said the government was fully for the respect of private property.
Marxists cannot but give full-hearted supported to the measures announced by Chavez. We have consistently argued that the Venezuelan revolution cannot stop halfway. Either it moves forward to the expropriation of the commanding heights of the economy, thus breaking the power of the oligarchy and imperialism, or the process could unravel, with the oligarchy using its control of the economy to carry out acts of sabotage and wear down the revolution.
The massive victory in the December elections was a clear signal that the masses want to move on and take on the oligarchy. Chavez's speech reflects this situation. It explains why he stated that, "Nothing or no-one will be able to push us off course in our pursuit of... Venezuelan socialism, our socialism." During his speech he specifically referred to the ideals of Marx and Lenin.
The reaction of the bourgeoisie internationally has been as could be expected. Alberto Ramos writing for Goldman Sachs has commented that, "These disconcerting policy announcements represent a clear turn into deeper nationalist and interventionist policies, which can lead to further erosion of business confidence and the country's macro and institutional fundamentals." Richard La Rosa, an equities trader at Activalores Sociedad de Corretaje CA said that, "We all expected some radical announcements after his swearing-in, but this took markets completely by surprise. We never imagined that he would name a company specifically. It left all of us in shock." He added that, "The big question in the marketplace is how are we going to be compensated? No one doubts of Chavez's intentions at this point." Many are making the comment that Chavez could go down the road that Cuba took back in the early 1960s, when Castro nationalised the bulk of the economy.
Chavez is to be sworn in tomorrow as President. This will be his third term in office and would take him up to 2013. The bourgeoisie in Venezuela and internationally is mounting a rabid hate campaign against Chavez as he moves further and further to the left. This is not by accident. Their real material interests are at stake here. If Chavez goes all the way he will receive the enthusiastic support of the Venezuelan masses. In the recent period Chavez had spoken about making the revolutionary process in Venezuela "irreversible". There is only one way of doing that: expropriate the bourgeoisie and build a revolutionary state based on the working class.
When he says that it is necessary to "dismantle the bourgeois state" he is absolutely right. The present state is riddled with agents of the old regime. The big majority of civil servants and top state officials is still made up of people appointed in the past to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie. They cannot be trusted. Every day, every minute they are manoeuvring to block any progressive reform. They are trying to slow down the revolution, hoping to wear it down and prepare the ground for a return of the old regime. Chavez has often referred to bureaucratism and corruption at all levels that are blocking the revolutionary process.
What is needed is to shift the centre of action to the masses themselves. The only force that Chavez can really trust is that of the Venezuelan working class, the peasants and the poor. Now is the time for committees to be elected in all the factories and other workplaces, in the working class neighbourhoods. These should elect delegates to higher bodies, eventually leading to a national body. This would be the instrument that could "dismantle the bourgeois state" and build a "revolutionary state".
It is to be noted that one of the few companies specifically mentioned as being up for nationalisation is CANTV, where workers and former workers have been fighting for their rights and demanding nationalisation for the last few months. This will surely provide a new impetus to the struggle of workers at Sanitarios Maracay for nationalisation under workers' control.
The UNT should take the initiative of calling immediately a National Workers' Conference to discuss these measures and take concrete steps of the workers in key sectors of the economy to organise themselves the struggle for nationalisation under workers' control and pre-empt any attempt of the bosses to sabotage them or strip them of assets or valuable information. Such a Conference should also call for a national day of action of factory occupations in which the 800 companies already mentioned by Chavez a year and a half ago should be taken over and with them all strategic sectors of the economy should also be occupied by the workers.
Chavez sees the need to "deepen" the revolution. He understands that the revolution cannot stand still. It must move on. He can see that every time he tries to push the process further, the bureaucracy comes up with a thousand and one obstacles. He feels that he cannot make this state machine do what he wants. The only road is therefore to break this machine and build a new one based on the workers.
In the next few days we will provide a more in depth analysis of what is happening in Venezuela, but what is clear is that an acceleration of the whole process is taking place in Venezuela. If the Venezuelan revolution were victorious in the coming period it would be seen as a beacon by the masses of the whole of Latin America and beyond. It would usher in a new period of revolutions. That is why all genuine socialists, communists, cannot but be enthused by the new turn of events and give their full-hearted support to the revolution. The bourgeoisie is lining up internationally, using all it has, its control of the media, the economy and so on, to strike blows at the Venezuelan revolution. It is our duty in all countries to counter this with all our might.
(from In Defence of Marxism- www.marxist.com/index.php)
From the Media
Future of Iraq: The Spoils of War
Iraq's massive oil reserves, the third-largest in the world, are about to be thrown open for large-scale exploitation by Western oil companies under a controversial law which is expected to come before the Iraqi parliament within days. The US government has been involved in drawing up the law, a draft of which has been seen by The Independent on Sunday. It would give big oil companies such as BP, Shell and Exxon 30-year contracts to extract Iraqi crude and allow the first large-scale operation of foreign oil interests in the country since the industry was nationalised in 1972. The huge potential prizes for Western firms will give ammunition to critics who say the Iraq war was fought for oil. They point to statements such as one from Vice-President Dick Cheney, who said in 1999, while he was still chief executive of the oil services company Halliburton, that the world would need an additional 50 million barrels of oil a day by 2010.
"So where is the oil going to come from?... The Middle East, with two-thirds of the world's oil and the lowest cost, is still where the prize ultimately lies," he said. Oil industry executives and analysts say the law, which would permit Western companies to pocket up to three-quarters of profits in the early years, is the only way to get Iraq's oil industry back on its feet after years of sanctions, war and loss of expertise. But it will operate through "production-sharing agreements" (or PSAs) which are highly unusual in the Middle East, where the oil industry in Saudi Arabia and Iran, the world's two largest producers, is state controlled. Opponents say Iraq, where oil accounts for 95 per cent of the economy, is being forced to surrender an unacceptable degree of sovereignty.
Proposing the parliamentary motion for war in 2003, Tony Blair denied the "false claim" that "we want to seize" Iraq's oil revenues. He said the money should be put into a trust fund, run by the UN, for the Iraqis, but the idea came to nothing. The same year Colin Powell, then Secretary of State, said: "It cost a great deal of money to prosecute this war. But the oil of the Iraqi people belongs to the Iraqi people; it is their wealth, it will be used for their benefit. So we did not do it for oil." Supporters say the provision allowing oil companies to take up to 75 per cent of the profits will last until they have recouped initial drilling costs. After that, they would collect about 20 per cent of all profits, according to industry sources in Iraq. But that is twice the industry average for such deals. Greg Muttitt, a researcher for Platform, a human rights and environmental group which monitors the oil industry, said Iraq was being asked to pay an enormous price over the next 30 years for its present instability. "They would lose out massively," he said, "because they don't have the capacity at the moment to strike a good deal." Iraq's Deputy Prime Minister, Barham Salih, who chairs the country's oil committee, is expected to unveil the legislation as early as today.
"It is a redrawing of the whole Iraqi oil industry [to] a modern standard," said Khaled Salih, spokesman for the Kurdish Regional Government, a party to the negotiations. The Iraqi government hopes to have the law on the books by March. Several major oil companies are said to have sent teams into the country in recent months to lobby for deals ahead of the law, though the big names are considered unlikely to invest until the violence in Iraq abates. James Paul, executive director at the Global Policy Forum, the international government watchdog, said: "It is not an exaggeration to say that the overwhelming majority of the population would be opposed to this. To do it anyway, with minimal discussion within the [Iraqi] parliament is really just pouring more oil on the fire." Vince Cable, the Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesman and a former chief economist at Shell, said it was crucial that any deal would guarantee funds for rebuilding Iraq. "It is absolutely vital that the revenue from the oil industry goes into Iraqi development and is seen to do so," he said. "Although it does make sense to collaborate with foreign investors, it is very important the terms are seen to be fair."
(By Danny Fortson, Andrew Murray-Watson and Tim Webb
The Independent UK Sunday 07 January 2007)
What’s On?
ANTI-WAR IRELAND NOTICE
An event in Dublin for your diary. Caoimhe will also speak in Belfast, Cork, Galway and Derry. More details later.
Caoimhe Butterly to Speak in Dublin on 20th January
dublin miscellaneous news report
info@antiwarireland.org
Report-back on her months in Lebanon
Caoimhe Butterly, who has spent the past five months in Lebanon and who experienced the results of Israel's onslaught last year, will be back in Ireland briefly at the end of January. During her visit, she will speak on her experiences in Lebanon (in both Beirut and the South) and will be highlighting projects that she is currently involved with (including a film project about life in the wake of the Israeli bombardment and invasion).
Her first talk will be in Dublin at a public meeting jointly organised by Anti-War Ireland (AWI), Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM) and the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC). The meeting will be chaired by Raymond Deane of the IPSC.
When: Saturday, 20th January at 2pm
Where: Teachers' Club, Parnell Square, Dublin
This should be a very interesting meeting and should people some sense of what the Lebanese people have suffered, and continue to suffer, as a result of Israeli imperialist aggression.
Admission is free and all are welcome!
In addition, Caoimhe will later speak at Anti-War Ireland public meetings in Belfast and Cork; at a Derry Anti-War Coalition meeting in Derry city; and at a public meeting in Galway hosted by the EcoSoc of NUI, Galway. More details on these meetings will be posted later.
Cuireadh/ Invite
East Down Migrant Workers Support Group
Sveiki – Olá – Cześć / Dzień dobry – ЗДраствуй
The newly formed EDMWSG would like to invite you to their afternoon launch in the
Down County Museum
Thursday 1st February
1pm sharp
guest speakers in attendance followed by a light lunch and refreshments.
For more information-see press release below.
RSVP to macmanais@hotmail.co.uk or stephen.onuallain@btinternet.com
07919137349/07801189971 by Friday 26th January
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
The last number of years has seen a welcome increase in the numbers of migrant workers coming to Down District to play an increasingly important role in meeting the labour needs of local businesses and industries. Unfortunately they have at times met various levels of exploitation, prejudice and indeed physical attack.
In response to the above The East Down Migrant Workers Support Group seeks to tackle the exploitation and prejudice faced by migrant workers in the Down district and where possible to offer assistance in accessing local services, offering advice on employment and trade union rights and assisting then in playing an active role in local communities.
A spokesperson for the group commented, “I am very pleased to announce this hands-on project for the betterment of all the community. The migrant community provide a rich cultural addition to our area and it is our duty to provide practical support to them wherever necessary”.
The EDMWSG is comprised of community activists from across the political spectrum, migrant workers themselves and trade unionists. The EDMSWG is being launched at the Down County Museum on the 1st February at 1pm. All are welcome, especially migrant workers, political representatives and civic leaders. A guest speaker will be in attendance, followed by lunch and refreshments.
For further information contact 07919137349/ 07801189971
Please feel free to comment on the contents of the Plough. We welcome political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive the Plough as an attachment please e-mail with heading “add attachment”
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive the Plough please send his or her e-mail address to
Johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
If you wish to receive back copies of the “The Plough” Please e-mail” to
johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net tating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to the Plough please send e-mail entitled “unsubscribe” to johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
It is the policy of the Plough to acknowledge information and articles from other sources.
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have re-launched their website.
It can be viewed at
www.rsym.org
An Glór / The Voice
News sheet of Belfast Republican Socialist Youth Movement
January 2007
Circulation: 400
- Brit police never acceptable
- Maghaberry Prison protest continues
- Assets Recovery Agency, a question of money
- Support the Turkish death fast
- Ard Fheis rejects any move towards INLA decommissioning
- Volunteer Davy McNutt RIP
http://www.rsym.org/pdf/magazines/anGlor1.pdf
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have produced a short video on the situation concerning Shannon airport and its continued use by American troops and the CIA. The video can be viewed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH0WqJb95l8
Subscribe to the bi-monthly “The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta”
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
E-mail plough@irsm.org
The Starry Plough
http://irsm.org/irsp/starryplough
IRSP: Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na h-Éireann
http://irsm.org/
James Connolly Society
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/
James Connolly Archive
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP is
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/index.cgi
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - Website
A website that offers a central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this effort go towards the IRSM and it’s various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/index.html
Donate to the IRSP:
Standing Order Form
Monday 8 January 2007
The Plough Vol 04 No 01
The Plough
Vol. 4- No 1
January 8th Monday 2007
E-mail newsletter of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Editorial
2) Dying days of the Good Friday Agreement.
3) The Need for an Anti-Imperialist United Front
4) One Left United Front.
5) Statement from the DHKC (Revolutionary People's Liberation
Front) from Turkey:
6) From the media
a. People United Saving Hospitals
b. Cuba's infant mortality rate is lowest in Latin America
Editorial
First revolutionary greetings to all our readers as we enter 2007.
This edition carries a number of articles on the necessity for a coming together of anti -imperialists. Our first article by Gerry Ruddy warns of the dangers of getting carried away by the whole debate on policing which could simply descend into mindleass provo bashing. The second article by former Sinn fein activist Philip Ferguson calls for fraternal and comradely debate and dialogue between anti –imperialists, a call The Plough is happy to endorse. The third article is a timely remind to all of us of the necessity to win over the masses in the struggle for without the unity of the masses the struggle cannot succeed. So we need to create eventually a vehicle that can bring together all those who consider themselves republican sand socialists to win a majority of the people to socialist ideas
We also carry a statement from the DHKC on the hanging of Saddam Hussein. It is clear he was executed because the Imperialist s feared that he would reveal details of how the Imperialists used him in the 1980s to strengthen their influence in the Middle East. His crimes were their crimes. The brutal suppression of the Kurds, the gassing of villages, the wiping out of communists in Iraq were all events applauded by the imperialists who supplied the technology, the expertise, the training and the weapons to carry out these crimes. We shed no tears for Saddam. His fate shows just how easily the imperialists can use and abuse their allies.
Dying days of the Good Friday Agreement.
When the Good Friday Agreement was reached in early 1998 the IRSP was not in a strong position politically. We had just come through a two years of internal turmoil as the rank and file of the organisation fought to restore the party to its core principles, which had been abandoned by a militaristic and suspect leadership. In the process we had lost Gino Gallagher who laid the basis for the implementation of the revolutionary principles for republican socialism as laid down by Ta Power. We had just held our first Ard-Feis for over 12 years. But while numerically small and considered by other republicans to be “one man and a fax machine” we had a republican socialist analysis of the politics of Ireland that has been totally vindicated by the events of the last nine years.
We said that the Good Friday Agreement would not succeed. It would not end discrimination, it would encourage sectarianism by institutionalizing it and that it copper-fastened partition. We called for a no vote in the subsequent referendum. We encouraged the INLA to call its ceasefire as that referendum had made clear the wishes of the vast majority of the people on the island was for peace.
We argued face to face with them that the Provisional Sinn Fein organisation did not have to take part in the power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal economic policies. We referred to that approach as the McCann option-named after veteran socialist Eamon McCann, who had first put forward that option.
However the provisionals rejected that approach, adopted a communal approach( the antithesis of a republican position) claiming to represent the nationalists (and the nationalists only) and sought power. As a consequence they decommissioned all their weapons, entered Stormont, worked British rule in the North, implemented privatization policies, bowed the knee to USA war lord George Bush, colluded in the doing away with the political status gained by the heroic deaths of 10 hunger strikers and belittle and demeaned other republicans who rejected their reformism.
Now as they ponder the prospect of supporting the Police Service of Northern Ireland chickens are coming home to roost. Many of their members who swallowed without protest the long procession of u-turns now have reached the point of no return. A group of Concerned Republicans (which the IRSP are involved in) has held two public meeting on the issue of policing. For the first time in years Sinn Fein have been forced to justify their position in public before other republicans. Prominent members have resigned and are now considering standing as independent republicans if an election is held in March 2007. While some republicans and socialists may enjoy the spectacle of seeing Sinn Fein in difficulties they also need to take the long view. Short term provo- bashing will not win people to a principled position but only alienate possible future allies in the struggle against Imperialism
An important aspect of the policing debate is that it is almost entirely a Provisional Sinn Fein matter. The basic question posed is do Sinn Fein republicans implement British justice and policing? As a consequence of the Good Friday Agreement it was always going to come down to this. The leadership of Sinn Fein has answered that question in the affirmative at their last Ard-Comhairle meeting. The IRSP, Republican Sinn Fein and 32 County Sovereignty Movement all reject the Sinn Fein (provisional) position
If a Sinn Fein Ard Feis endorses the PSNI it is the price they are paying so that arch bigot, and hater of Catholics, Ian Paisley can become First Minister. Paisley in fact has now got a veto over whether there will be power sharing in the North. People should never forget that many years ago Paisley was a strong supporter of direct rule from Westminster. So even if Sinn Fein accept positions on the Policing Board and local district partnerships, the DUP still hold the winning cards. They can now have Paisley as First Minister or prevent Sinn Fein from sharing power by forcing Britain to a long period of direct rule. Either way they can claim success to their followers.
Some success for the peace process, some success for Sinn Fein's strategy.
What we are now witnessing in the North of Ireland is the dying days of the Good Friday Agreement. Nine years after its acceptance it still has not been implemented and has now been superseded by the St. Andrews Agreement which neither Sinn Fein nor the DUP signed up to.
The IRSP has held its position consistently over the past ten years. In all the excitement generated by the policing debate and the fall out from it, it would be a major mistake for the IRSP to abandon its clear principled republican socialist party building approach for short-term electoral advantage. Of course we should support whole-heartedly those who have a similar position to ourselves. But before supporting other candidates we need to remember the long term position of the Irish working class will not be advanced by unprincipled alliances.
The Need for an Anti-Imperialist United Front
In a November 23, 2006 article entitled, "Not Too Late for a United Front", Mick Hall noted "There is little doubt that former members of the Provisional Republican Movement now make up one of the largest political factions within northern nationalism"
(http://lark.phoblacht.net/MH1011206g.html).
As well as all the people who have left as individuals over the past decade, there is Republican Sinn Fein, the 32-County Sovereignty Movement, the IRSM, Socialist Democracy and independent socialist-republicans such as Bernadette McAliskey and the people grouped around The Blanket and Fourthwrite. Outside Ireland there are also friends of Irish freedom who have been discarded by, or had already seen through, the Adams cabal atop New Sinn Fein.
Indeed, the number of what could be described as genuine anti-imperialists is quite impressive and significant. Mick Hall also rightly noted, however, "Yet their inability to come together to combat their nemesis, even in a small way, has all but left the playing field clear for the opportunistic politics of Gerry Adams' SF."
Indeed, I think it could be argued that the divisions amongst the anti-imperialist opponents of Adams' Surrenderist politics are the biggest single thing that New Sinn Fein has going for it.
What is urgently needed is open, comradely discussions among the anti-imperialist forces with the aim of forming some kind of united front. No-one need abandon their particular views and there could be full freedom of action and expression for each group within such a united front.
One of the first challenges of such a united front could be to pose an alternative to the Surrenderistas of New Sinn Fein in the next Stormont elections. I cannot see why it should not be possible to put together an impressive abstentionist argument, political platform and candidates posing a convincing critique of New Sinn Fein on every level – its policies on the national question and on social and economic issues. Although Mick Hall favours taking seats in Stormont, most of the forces which could be united for an anti-imperialist platform should have little trouble agreeing to run on an abstentionist basis.
Within a basic set of points which everyone in the united front could agree upon, each current would be free to raise their own specific
The way to form such a united front for be for representatives of the anti-imperialist organisations to begin meeting and discussing working towards establishing such a front, agreeing a basic, minimum platform which was consistent with everyone's principles and then organising an open conference with the aim of attracting as many people as possible. The platform would be circulated and discussed publicly before the conference and presented for endorsement, along with any additions or amendments, which groups or individuals attending the conference wished to put forward.
The conference as a whole could also either select candidates for the
Stormont elections or the participating groups could agree to a slate, with each group selecting its own candidates, and additional places on the slate being left open for nominations from the floor at the conference.
Elections in the South are due around mid-2007. Discussions between the components of the anti-imperialist left could also take place about an approach to these elections, although agreement might be much more difficult as some groups have an abstentionist principle in relation to Leinster House and others don't. If agreement could not be reached on the anti-imperialist left regarding a platform for Leinster House, then each group would have to 'do its own thing'. However, that is no reason why collaboration should or could not be fruitfully pursued in relation
to the northern elections and at least discussions take place about possibilities for collaboration in the 26 counties.
Philip Ferguson
Ex-Sinn Fein; former organiser, Irish Anti-Extradition Committee
(now resident in New Zealand)
One Left United Front.
I think Gerry Ruddy is right (The Plought vol 3-40) In relation to the debate on policing it is useful for republicans to remember what the function of the police in a capitalist society is. It is to ensure capitalist social order. But, every single person is different from the other. So there is a chance of arguing even with an enemy to make him see your point of view.
I don't deny the militant struggle, I think our only way to a united socialist Ireland is by being militant-with words and our emotions, with a general strike, with the power to the people movement-not with guns. We have to get 51% of the population ready for a new struggle in which everyone has his or her place, because we believe in the unity of the masses.
I think that even our mothers, fathers, sisters, friends are part of the capitalist society till we talk to them to make them see the truth. A minority can't win the battle, that's why I would say : Win the Police, Army, Lawyers, Students, etc like the Movement in Nepal has done. Even we know they have not established a new system, but all these named people in these jobs were won in the struggle of the Nepali People against exploitation and Separation. The whole Nation has fought for Democracy and Justice not only a few revolutionaries who are violent. No, there were peasants-sisters and staff officers as well included.
I do not say vote. I do not say vote for G. Adams. All I say is that the struggle for a united Social Ireland can only be won in a process of connecting to all other parties who call themselves Socialist or Communists. Only in strong unity we are able to talk to different people from different views to connect them with our Republican Socialism. Take the SWP and all other Left Movements into a United Left,-
one movement instead of 45 different movements.
One Left United Front with the democratical Centralism as a guidance can be effective
Thank you very much for your Time,
Manu Kumar Loganey
(Alles für Alle/Todo para todos/Everything for Everyone)
Statement 366 from the DHKC (Revolutionary People's Liberation
Front) from Turkey:
Date: December 31, 2006
Saddam's execution is not the victory of imperialism but its defeat. With a new year for the world, with the Muslim peoples preparing for the Feast of Sacrifice, American imperialism confronted humanity with the sight of a legitimate head of state hanging from a gallows.
The Head of State of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was condemned by an American puppet court and executed by a puppet government. The images of Saddam on the gallows were not only of the execution of an individual, they were a picture of justice and law being drawn to the gallows, with the occupations being carried out and imperialist banditry pursued with announcements of "lists of terrorist groups"and "axes of evil".
This picture tells the peoples of the world that they must not believe in fantasies.
Saddam Hussein's murder on the gallows contradicts all the false reasoning about "democratic imperialism", all the claims that American imperialism has "brought Iraq democracy".
We live in a world without justice and law; we have no road otherthan to resist and fight for law and justice. The peoples of the world need bread and water; so it is clear that even these will not be guaranteed while in the shadow of the imperialist occupiers. The imperialist bandits are making this clear to us personally.
The imperialist banditry, which rains bombs from the skies, runs Abu Ghraib, turns villages and markets into lakes of blood and finally puts up a gallows, shows that: THERE IS NO LAW UNDER OCCUPATION!
The law of the occupation is tyranny and massacres. There is no law or justice under an occupation. In no way was it a "legal judgement" as has been claimed, nor could it be. The judgement was illegitimate in itself. If an occupation is illegitimate and unacceptable, then it follows that the courts it establishes are the same.It is sophistry to claim that Saddam was judged by an "Iraqi court" and "executed by Iraqis".
To legitimise an execution and the occupation and cover up the crimes of American imperialism is simple, coarse and humiliating demagogy.
Saddam Hussein's judicial killing is illegal, outside the law and illegitimate. Those who killed Saddam are collaborators and partners in crime of the occupying forces and the occupation.
The meaning of the gallows in Baghdad is clear: not to openly come out against the murder of Saddam, not to curse without hesitation those who brought him to the gallows, to use sentences with "but" and "however" in them is to legitimise the execution and do the work of imperialism.
IF IT PUTS UP GALLOWS BY THE THOUSAND, AMERICAN IMPERIALISM WILL NOT SAVE ITSELF FROM DEFEAT!
Imperialism is being defeated in Iraq. For all their mighty military forces, they cannot make a resisting people submit. All their military and political plans are being frustrated by peoples in resistance. By executing Saddam they are trying to turn defeat into victory. But they will not succeed. Because the peoples
of the Middle East are in a great, historic and mass resistance, not
limited to one person or one organisation.
Iraq's Head of State Saddam Hussein did not give in to imperialism from the very start of the occupation, he showed respect for the peoples' will to resist and was a part of the resistance. Saddam also committed crimes against his people, but the imperialists and their collaborators could not judge him. The court the imperialists set up to judge Saddam was a court which sought to legitimise imperialist interests. Saddam behaved at that court in the way a head of state of an occupied country should, and maintained his courage and held his head high on the gallows.
All the world knows that Saddam's execution was not a sign of imperialism's power but its powerlessness; The court set up to execute Saddam was a comedy and an image, not of justice but of injustice. Imperialism will not gain strength from it. On the contrary, every new massacre of imperialism, every new illegality
will turn Iraq into an even deeper swamp for it. Collaborators with
American imperialism are being defeated as they sink in this swamp. Now special commissions are being set up to find "the least harmful" way of withdrawing from Iraq. They will not find it! Because the Iraqi people and the peoples are continuing to resist, despite the provocations, torture and massacres, despite the gallows...
Wherever they are in the world, victory will belong to those who resist tyranny by whatever means!
DEVRÝMCÝ HALK KURTULUÞ CEPHESÝ
(REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE'S LIBERATION FRONT)
"A victory in any country over imperialism is our victory; just as any
country's defeat is a defeat for all of us."
Cuba Update News
It is the official govt response to the annual UN resolution re the economic blockade.
"Report by Cuba on Resolution 59/11 of the United Nations General Assembly"
http://www.granma.cu/bloqueo/infome-ingles.pdf
_________________________________________________________________
From the Media
Cuba's infant mortality rate is lowest in Latin America
http://www.dominicantoday.com/app/article.aspx?id=21172
Havana.– In 2006, Cuba had the lowest infant mortality rate in its history and of all Latin America, putting it in second place behind Canada for the Americas as a whole, according to a health ministry report.
Cuba's infant mortality rate was 5.3 deaths per 1,000 births in 2006,compared to 5.8 per 1,000 in 2005, making it "the leader in Latin America "in the category, said the report quoted in the official newspaper Granma.
"Within the Americas, only Canada had a lower rate than Cuba," said the health ministry, stressing that Cuba "is among the world's 30 nations with the lowest death rate for children between birth and one year of age."
Since 1995, Cuba's infant mortality rate dropped by 43.6 percent, Granma said. In 1960, at the start of Cuban leader Fidel Castro's Communist Revolution, the infant mortality rate stood at 37.3 per 1,000.
The health ministry attributed the current low rate to three new types of medical exams that detect health-threatening genetical abnormalities and
advances in pediatic medicine and pre-natal care.
Force TUC to call NHS demo
People United Saving Hospitals holds national meeting
PUSH (People United Saving Hospitals), an umbrella organisation made up of Keep Our NHS Public groups and anti-privatisation campaigns, has called for a national demonstration in London on 3 March to show the opposition to the NHS “reforms” being carried out by the Labour government.
PUSH was formed by the Nuneaton Peoples Protest Group and seven other anti-privatisation groups to bring together different anti-privatisation campaigns in order to share information and experiences, deliver solidarity, and put pressure on the TUC to call a national demonstration against NHS privatisation, cuts and closures. Push held its.
At the first national meeting of PUSH, held in Coventry on 10 December, many speakers highlighted the need for a co-ordinated national fight-back against privatisation. They also listed the enormous numbers of ward closures, staff and budget cuts being forced through by Labour and the NHS Trusts tasked with carrying out their neo-liberal reforms.
There was strident criticism of the trade union bureaucracy from all the attendees, who regarded the TUC’s failure to organise action against the crisis facing the NHS as a criminal betrayal of the health service and the working class, which depends upon it.
There was widespread agreement about the need for a national demonstration to act as a focus for all the local campaigns and to bring the reality of NHS privatisation and workers’ anger against it home to the Labour government. The need for a national demonstration will be a crucial weapon to help organise communities to oppose privatisation, and will provide a focal point for those working class areas that do not yet have a local campaign.
(from Workers Power 18/12/06)
What’s On?
We Won't Pay Campaign - No to Water Charges - No to Water Privatisation
Upcoming Meetings
North Belfast
Public Meeting
7.30pm Indian Community Centre
Wednesday 10th January
Ormeau Rd - South Belfast
Meeting
7pm Ballynafeigh Community House, Ormeau Rd
Thursday 11th January
West Belfast
Public Meeting
7pm Conway Mill 5/7 Conway St, off the Falls Rd
Thursday 11th January
More meetings are being organised in Cregagh Rd, Tullycarnett, Markets & Lower Ormeau, Belvoir, Newry, Lisburn Road, Finaghy and Rathcoole for January. Details will be sent out as soon as venues are confirmed.
ANTI-WAR IRELAND NOTICE
An event in Dublin for your diary. Caoimhe will also speak in Belfast, Cork, Galway and Derry. More details later.
Caoimhe Butterly to Speak in Dublin on 20th January
dublin miscellaneous news report
info@antiwarireland.org
Report-back on her months in Lebanon
Caoimhe Butterly, who has spent the past five months in Lebanon and who experienced the results of Israel's onslaught last year, will be back in Ireland briefly at the end of January. During her visit, she will speak on her experiences in Lebanon (in both Beirut and the South) and will be highlighting projects that she is currently involved with (including a film project about life in the wake of the Israeli bombardment and invasion).
Her first talk will be in Dublin at a public meeting jointly organised by Anti-War Ireland (AWI), Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM) and the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC). The meeting will be chaired by Raymond Deane of the IPSC.
When: Saturday, 20th January at 2pm
Where: Teachers' Club, Parnell Square, Dublin
This should be a very interesting meeting and should people some sense of what the Lebanese people have suffered, and continue to suffer, as a result of Israeli imperialist aggression.
Admission is free and all are welcome!
In addition, Caoimhe will later speak at Anti-War Ireland public meetings in Belfast and Cork; at a Derry Anti-War Coalition meeting in Derry city; and at a public meeting in Galway hosted by the EcoSoc of NUI, Galway. More details on these meetings will be posted later.
Please feel free to comment on the contents of the Plough. We welcome political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive the Plough as an attachment please e-mail with heading “add attachment”
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive the Plough please send his or her e-mail address to
Johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
If you wish to receive back copies of the “The Plough” Please e-mail” to
johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net tating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to the Plough please send e-mail entitled “unsubscribe” to johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
It is the policy of the Plough to acknowledge information and articles from other sources.
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have re-launched their website.
It can be viewed at
www.rsym.org
An Glór / The Voice
News sheet of Belfast Republican Socialist Youth Movement
January 2007
Circulation: 400
- Brit police never acceptable
- Maghaberry Prison protest continues
- Assets Recovery Agency, a question of money
- Support the Turkish death fast
- Ard Fheis rejects any move towards INLA decommissioning
- Volunteer Davy McNutt RIP
http://www.rsym.org/pdf/magazines/anGlor1.pdf
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have produced a short video on the situation concerning Shannon airport and its continued use by American troops and the CIA. The video can be viewed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH0WqJb95l8
Subscribe to the bi-monthly “The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta”
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
E-mail plough@irsm.org
The Starry Plough
http://irsm.org/irsp/starryplough
IRSP: Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na h-Éireann
http://irsm.org/
James Connolly Society
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/
James Connolly Archive
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP is
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/index.cgi
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - Website
A website that offers a central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this effort go towards the IRSM and it’s various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/index.html
Donate to the IRSP:
Standing Order Form
Vol. 4- No 1
January 8th Monday 2007
E-mail newsletter of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party
1) Editorial
2) Dying days of the Good Friday Agreement.
3) The Need for an Anti-Imperialist United Front
4) One Left United Front.
5) Statement from the DHKC (Revolutionary People's Liberation
Front) from Turkey:
6) From the media
a. People United Saving Hospitals
b. Cuba's infant mortality rate is lowest in Latin America
Editorial
First revolutionary greetings to all our readers as we enter 2007.
This edition carries a number of articles on the necessity for a coming together of anti -imperialists. Our first article by Gerry Ruddy warns of the dangers of getting carried away by the whole debate on policing which could simply descend into mindleass provo bashing. The second article by former Sinn fein activist Philip Ferguson calls for fraternal and comradely debate and dialogue between anti –imperialists, a call The Plough is happy to endorse. The third article is a timely remind to all of us of the necessity to win over the masses in the struggle for without the unity of the masses the struggle cannot succeed. So we need to create eventually a vehicle that can bring together all those who consider themselves republican sand socialists to win a majority of the people to socialist ideas
We also carry a statement from the DHKC on the hanging of Saddam Hussein. It is clear he was executed because the Imperialist s feared that he would reveal details of how the Imperialists used him in the 1980s to strengthen their influence in the Middle East. His crimes were their crimes. The brutal suppression of the Kurds, the gassing of villages, the wiping out of communists in Iraq were all events applauded by the imperialists who supplied the technology, the expertise, the training and the weapons to carry out these crimes. We shed no tears for Saddam. His fate shows just how easily the imperialists can use and abuse their allies.
Dying days of the Good Friday Agreement.
When the Good Friday Agreement was reached in early 1998 the IRSP was not in a strong position politically. We had just come through a two years of internal turmoil as the rank and file of the organisation fought to restore the party to its core principles, which had been abandoned by a militaristic and suspect leadership. In the process we had lost Gino Gallagher who laid the basis for the implementation of the revolutionary principles for republican socialism as laid down by Ta Power. We had just held our first Ard-Feis for over 12 years. But while numerically small and considered by other republicans to be “one man and a fax machine” we had a republican socialist analysis of the politics of Ireland that has been totally vindicated by the events of the last nine years.
We said that the Good Friday Agreement would not succeed. It would not end discrimination, it would encourage sectarianism by institutionalizing it and that it copper-fastened partition. We called for a no vote in the subsequent referendum. We encouraged the INLA to call its ceasefire as that referendum had made clear the wishes of the vast majority of the people on the island was for peace.
We argued face to face with them that the Provisional Sinn Fein organisation did not have to take part in the power-sharing executive. Instead they could have provided a solid republican opposition to both the continued existence of partition and also lead the fight back against privatization and neo-liberal economic policies. We referred to that approach as the McCann option-named after veteran socialist Eamon McCann, who had first put forward that option.
However the provisionals rejected that approach, adopted a communal approach( the antithesis of a republican position) claiming to represent the nationalists (and the nationalists only) and sought power. As a consequence they decommissioned all their weapons, entered Stormont, worked British rule in the North, implemented privatization policies, bowed the knee to USA war lord George Bush, colluded in the doing away with the political status gained by the heroic deaths of 10 hunger strikers and belittle and demeaned other republicans who rejected their reformism.
Now as they ponder the prospect of supporting the Police Service of Northern Ireland chickens are coming home to roost. Many of their members who swallowed without protest the long procession of u-turns now have reached the point of no return. A group of Concerned Republicans (which the IRSP are involved in) has held two public meeting on the issue of policing. For the first time in years Sinn Fein have been forced to justify their position in public before other republicans. Prominent members have resigned and are now considering standing as independent republicans if an election is held in March 2007. While some republicans and socialists may enjoy the spectacle of seeing Sinn Fein in difficulties they also need to take the long view. Short term provo- bashing will not win people to a principled position but only alienate possible future allies in the struggle against Imperialism
An important aspect of the policing debate is that it is almost entirely a Provisional Sinn Fein matter. The basic question posed is do Sinn Fein republicans implement British justice and policing? As a consequence of the Good Friday Agreement it was always going to come down to this. The leadership of Sinn Fein has answered that question in the affirmative at their last Ard-Comhairle meeting. The IRSP, Republican Sinn Fein and 32 County Sovereignty Movement all reject the Sinn Fein (provisional) position
If a Sinn Fein Ard Feis endorses the PSNI it is the price they are paying so that arch bigot, and hater of Catholics, Ian Paisley can become First Minister. Paisley in fact has now got a veto over whether there will be power sharing in the North. People should never forget that many years ago Paisley was a strong supporter of direct rule from Westminster. So even if Sinn Fein accept positions on the Policing Board and local district partnerships, the DUP still hold the winning cards. They can now have Paisley as First Minister or prevent Sinn Fein from sharing power by forcing Britain to a long period of direct rule. Either way they can claim success to their followers.
Some success for the peace process, some success for Sinn Fein's strategy.
What we are now witnessing in the North of Ireland is the dying days of the Good Friday Agreement. Nine years after its acceptance it still has not been implemented and has now been superseded by the St. Andrews Agreement which neither Sinn Fein nor the DUP signed up to.
The IRSP has held its position consistently over the past ten years. In all the excitement generated by the policing debate and the fall out from it, it would be a major mistake for the IRSP to abandon its clear principled republican socialist party building approach for short-term electoral advantage. Of course we should support whole-heartedly those who have a similar position to ourselves. But before supporting other candidates we need to remember the long term position of the Irish working class will not be advanced by unprincipled alliances.
The Need for an Anti-Imperialist United Front
In a November 23, 2006 article entitled, "Not Too Late for a United Front", Mick Hall noted "There is little doubt that former members of the Provisional Republican Movement now make up one of the largest political factions within northern nationalism"
(http://lark.phoblacht.net/MH1011206g.html).
As well as all the people who have left as individuals over the past decade, there is Republican Sinn Fein, the 32-County Sovereignty Movement, the IRSM, Socialist Democracy and independent socialist-republicans such as Bernadette McAliskey and the people grouped around The Blanket and Fourthwrite. Outside Ireland there are also friends of Irish freedom who have been discarded by, or had already seen through, the Adams cabal atop New Sinn Fein.
Indeed, the number of what could be described as genuine anti-imperialists is quite impressive and significant. Mick Hall also rightly noted, however, "Yet their inability to come together to combat their nemesis, even in a small way, has all but left the playing field clear for the opportunistic politics of Gerry Adams' SF."
Indeed, I think it could be argued that the divisions amongst the anti-imperialist opponents of Adams' Surrenderist politics are the biggest single thing that New Sinn Fein has going for it.
What is urgently needed is open, comradely discussions among the anti-imperialist forces with the aim of forming some kind of united front. No-one need abandon their particular views and there could be full freedom of action and expression for each group within such a united front.
One of the first challenges of such a united front could be to pose an alternative to the Surrenderistas of New Sinn Fein in the next Stormont elections. I cannot see why it should not be possible to put together an impressive abstentionist argument, political platform and candidates posing a convincing critique of New Sinn Fein on every level – its policies on the national question and on social and economic issues. Although Mick Hall favours taking seats in Stormont, most of the forces which could be united for an anti-imperialist platform should have little trouble agreeing to run on an abstentionist basis.
Within a basic set of points which everyone in the united front could agree upon, each current would be free to raise their own specific
The way to form such a united front for be for representatives of the anti-imperialist organisations to begin meeting and discussing working towards establishing such a front, agreeing a basic, minimum platform which was consistent with everyone's principles and then organising an open conference with the aim of attracting as many people as possible. The platform would be circulated and discussed publicly before the conference and presented for endorsement, along with any additions or amendments, which groups or individuals attending the conference wished to put forward.
The conference as a whole could also either select candidates for the
Stormont elections or the participating groups could agree to a slate, with each group selecting its own candidates, and additional places on the slate being left open for nominations from the floor at the conference.
Elections in the South are due around mid-2007. Discussions between the components of the anti-imperialist left could also take place about an approach to these elections, although agreement might be much more difficult as some groups have an abstentionist principle in relation to Leinster House and others don't. If agreement could not be reached on the anti-imperialist left regarding a platform for Leinster House, then each group would have to 'do its own thing'. However, that is no reason why collaboration should or could not be fruitfully pursued in relation
to the northern elections and at least discussions take place about possibilities for collaboration in the 26 counties.
Philip Ferguson
Ex-Sinn Fein; former organiser, Irish Anti-Extradition Committee
(now resident in New Zealand)
One Left United Front.
I think Gerry Ruddy is right (The Plought vol 3-40) In relation to the debate on policing it is useful for republicans to remember what the function of the police in a capitalist society is. It is to ensure capitalist social order. But, every single person is different from the other. So there is a chance of arguing even with an enemy to make him see your point of view.
I don't deny the militant struggle, I think our only way to a united socialist Ireland is by being militant-with words and our emotions, with a general strike, with the power to the people movement-not with guns. We have to get 51% of the population ready for a new struggle in which everyone has his or her place, because we believe in the unity of the masses.
I think that even our mothers, fathers, sisters, friends are part of the capitalist society till we talk to them to make them see the truth. A minority can't win the battle, that's why I would say : Win the Police, Army, Lawyers, Students, etc like the Movement in Nepal has done. Even we know they have not established a new system, but all these named people in these jobs were won in the struggle of the Nepali People against exploitation and Separation. The whole Nation has fought for Democracy and Justice not only a few revolutionaries who are violent. No, there were peasants-sisters and staff officers as well included.
I do not say vote. I do not say vote for G. Adams. All I say is that the struggle for a united Social Ireland can only be won in a process of connecting to all other parties who call themselves Socialist or Communists. Only in strong unity we are able to talk to different people from different views to connect them with our Republican Socialism. Take the SWP and all other Left Movements into a United Left,-
one movement instead of 45 different movements.
One Left United Front with the democratical Centralism as a guidance can be effective
Thank you very much for your Time,
Manu Kumar Loganey
(Alles für Alle/Todo para todos/Everything for Everyone)
Statement 366 from the DHKC (Revolutionary People's Liberation
Front) from Turkey:
Date: December 31, 2006
Saddam's execution is not the victory of imperialism but its defeat. With a new year for the world, with the Muslim peoples preparing for the Feast of Sacrifice, American imperialism confronted humanity with the sight of a legitimate head of state hanging from a gallows.
The Head of State of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was condemned by an American puppet court and executed by a puppet government. The images of Saddam on the gallows were not only of the execution of an individual, they were a picture of justice and law being drawn to the gallows, with the occupations being carried out and imperialist banditry pursued with announcements of "lists of terrorist groups"and "axes of evil".
This picture tells the peoples of the world that they must not believe in fantasies.
Saddam Hussein's murder on the gallows contradicts all the false reasoning about "democratic imperialism", all the claims that American imperialism has "brought Iraq democracy".
We live in a world without justice and law; we have no road otherthan to resist and fight for law and justice. The peoples of the world need bread and water; so it is clear that even these will not be guaranteed while in the shadow of the imperialist occupiers. The imperialist bandits are making this clear to us personally.
The imperialist banditry, which rains bombs from the skies, runs Abu Ghraib, turns villages and markets into lakes of blood and finally puts up a gallows, shows that: THERE IS NO LAW UNDER OCCUPATION!
The law of the occupation is tyranny and massacres. There is no law or justice under an occupation. In no way was it a "legal judgement" as has been claimed, nor could it be. The judgement was illegitimate in itself. If an occupation is illegitimate and unacceptable, then it follows that the courts it establishes are the same.It is sophistry to claim that Saddam was judged by an "Iraqi court" and "executed by Iraqis".
To legitimise an execution and the occupation and cover up the crimes of American imperialism is simple, coarse and humiliating demagogy.
Saddam Hussein's judicial killing is illegal, outside the law and illegitimate. Those who killed Saddam are collaborators and partners in crime of the occupying forces and the occupation.
The meaning of the gallows in Baghdad is clear: not to openly come out against the murder of Saddam, not to curse without hesitation those who brought him to the gallows, to use sentences with "but" and "however" in them is to legitimise the execution and do the work of imperialism.
IF IT PUTS UP GALLOWS BY THE THOUSAND, AMERICAN IMPERIALISM WILL NOT SAVE ITSELF FROM DEFEAT!
Imperialism is being defeated in Iraq. For all their mighty military forces, they cannot make a resisting people submit. All their military and political plans are being frustrated by peoples in resistance. By executing Saddam they are trying to turn defeat into victory. But they will not succeed. Because the peoples
of the Middle East are in a great, historic and mass resistance, not
limited to one person or one organisation.
Iraq's Head of State Saddam Hussein did not give in to imperialism from the very start of the occupation, he showed respect for the peoples' will to resist and was a part of the resistance. Saddam also committed crimes against his people, but the imperialists and their collaborators could not judge him. The court the imperialists set up to judge Saddam was a court which sought to legitimise imperialist interests. Saddam behaved at that court in the way a head of state of an occupied country should, and maintained his courage and held his head high on the gallows.
All the world knows that Saddam's execution was not a sign of imperialism's power but its powerlessness; The court set up to execute Saddam was a comedy and an image, not of justice but of injustice. Imperialism will not gain strength from it. On the contrary, every new massacre of imperialism, every new illegality
will turn Iraq into an even deeper swamp for it. Collaborators with
American imperialism are being defeated as they sink in this swamp. Now special commissions are being set up to find "the least harmful" way of withdrawing from Iraq. They will not find it! Because the Iraqi people and the peoples are continuing to resist, despite the provocations, torture and massacres, despite the gallows...
Wherever they are in the world, victory will belong to those who resist tyranny by whatever means!
DEVRÝMCÝ HALK KURTULUÞ CEPHESÝ
(REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE'S LIBERATION FRONT)
"A victory in any country over imperialism is our victory; just as any
country's defeat is a defeat for all of us."
Cuba Update News
It is the official govt response to the annual UN resolution re the economic blockade.
"Report by Cuba on Resolution 59/11 of the United Nations General Assembly"
http://www.granma.cu/bloqueo/infome-ingles.pdf
_________________________________________________________________
From the Media
Cuba's infant mortality rate is lowest in Latin America
http://www.dominicantoday.com/app/article.aspx?id=21172
Havana.– In 2006, Cuba had the lowest infant mortality rate in its history and of all Latin America, putting it in second place behind Canada for the Americas as a whole, according to a health ministry report.
Cuba's infant mortality rate was 5.3 deaths per 1,000 births in 2006,compared to 5.8 per 1,000 in 2005, making it "the leader in Latin America "in the category, said the report quoted in the official newspaper Granma.
"Within the Americas, only Canada had a lower rate than Cuba," said the health ministry, stressing that Cuba "is among the world's 30 nations with the lowest death rate for children between birth and one year of age."
Since 1995, Cuba's infant mortality rate dropped by 43.6 percent, Granma said. In 1960, at the start of Cuban leader Fidel Castro's Communist Revolution, the infant mortality rate stood at 37.3 per 1,000.
The health ministry attributed the current low rate to three new types of medical exams that detect health-threatening genetical abnormalities and
advances in pediatic medicine and pre-natal care.
Force TUC to call NHS demo
People United Saving Hospitals holds national meeting
PUSH (People United Saving Hospitals), an umbrella organisation made up of Keep Our NHS Public groups and anti-privatisation campaigns, has called for a national demonstration in London on 3 March to show the opposition to the NHS “reforms” being carried out by the Labour government.
PUSH was formed by the Nuneaton Peoples Protest Group and seven other anti-privatisation groups to bring together different anti-privatisation campaigns in order to share information and experiences, deliver solidarity, and put pressure on the TUC to call a national demonstration against NHS privatisation, cuts and closures. Push held its.
At the first national meeting of PUSH, held in Coventry on 10 December, many speakers highlighted the need for a co-ordinated national fight-back against privatisation. They also listed the enormous numbers of ward closures, staff and budget cuts being forced through by Labour and the NHS Trusts tasked with carrying out their neo-liberal reforms.
There was strident criticism of the trade union bureaucracy from all the attendees, who regarded the TUC’s failure to organise action against the crisis facing the NHS as a criminal betrayal of the health service and the working class, which depends upon it.
There was widespread agreement about the need for a national demonstration to act as a focus for all the local campaigns and to bring the reality of NHS privatisation and workers’ anger against it home to the Labour government. The need for a national demonstration will be a crucial weapon to help organise communities to oppose privatisation, and will provide a focal point for those working class areas that do not yet have a local campaign.
(from Workers Power 18/12/06)
What’s On?
We Won't Pay Campaign - No to Water Charges - No to Water Privatisation
Upcoming Meetings
North Belfast
Public Meeting
7.30pm Indian Community Centre
Wednesday 10th January
Ormeau Rd - South Belfast
Meeting
7pm Ballynafeigh Community House, Ormeau Rd
Thursday 11th January
West Belfast
Public Meeting
7pm Conway Mill 5/7 Conway St, off the Falls Rd
Thursday 11th January
More meetings are being organised in Cregagh Rd, Tullycarnett, Markets & Lower Ormeau, Belvoir, Newry, Lisburn Road, Finaghy and Rathcoole for January. Details will be sent out as soon as venues are confirmed.
ANTI-WAR IRELAND NOTICE
An event in Dublin for your diary. Caoimhe will also speak in Belfast, Cork, Galway and Derry. More details later.
Caoimhe Butterly to Speak in Dublin on 20th January
dublin miscellaneous news report
info@antiwarireland.org
Report-back on her months in Lebanon
Caoimhe Butterly, who has spent the past five months in Lebanon and who experienced the results of Israel's onslaught last year, will be back in Ireland briefly at the end of January. During her visit, she will speak on her experiences in Lebanon (in both Beirut and the South) and will be highlighting projects that she is currently involved with (including a film project about life in the wake of the Israeli bombardment and invasion).
Her first talk will be in Dublin at a public meeting jointly organised by Anti-War Ireland (AWI), Irish Anti-War Movement (IAWM) and the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC). The meeting will be chaired by Raymond Deane of the IPSC.
When: Saturday, 20th January at 2pm
Where: Teachers' Club, Parnell Square, Dublin
This should be a very interesting meeting and should people some sense of what the Lebanese people have suffered, and continue to suffer, as a result of Israeli imperialist aggression.
Admission is free and all are welcome!
In addition, Caoimhe will later speak at Anti-War Ireland public meetings in Belfast and Cork; at a Derry Anti-War Coalition meeting in Derry city; and at a public meeting in Galway hosted by the EcoSoc of NUI, Galway. More details on these meetings will be posted later.
Please feel free to comment on the contents of the Plough. We welcome political comments and criticisms.
If you would prefer to receive the Plough as an attachment please e-mail with heading “add attachment”
If you know of anybody who might wish to receive the Plough please send his or her e-mail address to
Johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
If you wish to receive back copies of the “The Plough” Please e-mail” to
johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net tating which numbers you wish.
To unsubscribe to the Plough please send e-mail entitled “unsubscribe” to johnmartinps@eircom.net or john.martinps@virgin.net
It is the policy of the Plough to acknowledge information and articles from other sources.
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have re-launched their website.
It can be viewed at
www.rsym.org
An Glór / The Voice
News sheet of Belfast Republican Socialist Youth Movement
January 2007
Circulation: 400
- Brit police never acceptable
- Maghaberry Prison protest continues
- Assets Recovery Agency, a question of money
- Support the Turkish death fast
- Ard Fheis rejects any move towards INLA decommissioning
- Volunteer Davy McNutt RIP
http://www.rsym.org/pdf/magazines/anGlor1.pdf
The Republican Socialist Youth Movement have produced a short video on the situation concerning Shannon airport and its continued use by American troops and the CIA. The video can be viewed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH0WqJb95l8
Subscribe to the bi-monthly “The Starry Plough/An Camchéachta”
P.O. Box 1981, Derry, BT48 8GX, Ireland.
THE VOICE OF REPUBLICAN SOCIALISM!
E-mail plough@irsm.org
The Starry Plough
http://irsm.org/irsp/starryplough
IRSP: Pairtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na h-Éireann
http://irsm.org/
James Connolly Society
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/
James Connolly Archive
http://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly
The Republican Socialist Forum from Derry IRSP is
http://rsmforum.proboards23.com/index.cgi
Republican Socialist Online Merchandise - Website
A website that offers a central place to go on the Internet to find good quality items with a distinct Republican Socialist theme. Proceeds from sales from this effort go towards the IRSM and it’s various projects.
http://www.angelfire.com/folk/irishshop/index.html
Donate to the IRSP:
Standing Order Form
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
![[Valid Atom 1.0]](valid-atom.png "Validate my Atom 1.0 feed")
