Sunday 20 January 2008

The Plough Vol 05 No 01

The Plough
Web Site
Vol 5-No 1
Sunday January 20th 2008

e-mail newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1) Editorial:

2) Three areas of struggle

3) Book Reviews
a. The Politics of Enmity

4) From the newspapers

5) Facts

6) Without comment

7) Letters

8) What’s On


We would like to send New Year greetings to all our readers in this the first Plough of 2008 and thank them for their support and comments through the last four and a half years.

The new year usually sees people in the advanced countries make resolutions to give up smoking, loss weight save money have more holidays and so on. That luxury does not extent to about 92% of the world’s population. Most live in absolute (as opposed to relative) poverty. Irish Republican Socialists basing themselves on the revolutionary ideas of the leading leftist thinkers of the 19th and 20th centuries resolutely stand on the side of all those who suffer under imperialism and capitalism. We are internationalists, secular socialists, and Irish Republicans. We can do no other than take an internationalist stance.

We salute the heroic resistance of the Palestinian masses to the Zionist occupation, we support the armed resistance to the USA occupation of Iraq, we applaud the Cuban masses for their defence of the gains of the Cuban revolution and we stand resolutely with the Bolivarian movement in Venezulea as it attempts to break free from the chains of capitalism.

All over the world there are major problems including global warming, starvation, ethnic wars, armies of occupation, slavery and massive poverty. We believe only the establishment of socialism on a world wide scale can begin to deal realistically with these problems.

But we are not abstract dreamers. We act now. Living in the Ireland of the year 2008 we must deal with the problems that confront the working classes today. It is clear that there is a downturn in the international capitalist market. House prices in many areas are plummeting. Speculators and landlords are taking a hit. In the south of Ireland the bench marking body wants public sector workers to take a 0% rise in wages while inflation goes up. Local councilors in the north and south have been in the past and still are in hock to the speculators and owners of property. One only has to look at the links between Ian Paisley Junior and property developer Seymour Sweeney to realise that there are those who think that the business of politics is business itself!

Three Areas of Struggle

The growth of the IRSP as an organisation has been steady and consistent for the past ten years. More and more young people have now come to accept that what previously posed as a radical republican socialist alternative was merely a vehicle by which aspiring sections of the petty bourgeoise could get their hands on the levers of power and use them to the advantage of their class. Others think that they can turn the clock back and re- fight the old fight only this time with better leaders. They are wrong. Since 1798 Irish Republicans have used armed resistance against the British. At no time have republicans defeated the British. At times the guns or pikes were put away “for another day” as republicans faded into the background and reformist nationalists took the lead. These reformists were at all times ready to settle for less than full Irish independence. And the republicans in the background failed to seriously challenge this reformism. No! They were too busy dreaming of past defeats or looking forward to another generation repeating their own failures. So-called mainstream republicanism failed the Irish people. By the rejection of political action and by solely concentrating on armed resistance they helped create the conditions for reformists to park the struggle for liberation.

The alternative strategy is that advocated by Republican Socialists. It is the same strategy as James Connolly. It is the class struggle.
Some people see the term “class struggle” as somehow representing only the struggles of workers for better pay and conditions and refer to this as
“economism”. That is not our meaning. Rather we identify with V.I. Lenin when he clearly outlined the role of the revolutionary,

“-a popular tribune who knows best how to react to all and sundry expressions of arbitariness and oppression wherever they occur, which ever stratum or class they affect; who knows how to generalize all these expressions into one picture of police violence and capitalist exploitation, who knows how to utilize every little thing in order to expound before all men his Socialist conviction and his democratic demands , to explain to each and everyone the universal historical significance of the liberating struggle of the proletariat.” (V.I. Lenin “What is to be done?” Page 124 Panther Modern Society London 1970)

We must adopt to today’s conditions while bearing in mind the arguments of Marx and Engels that there were three great areas of struggle for revolutionaries, the political, the economic and the theoretical.
To concentrate on only one of these areas at the expense of the other two is to pave the way for defeat, disillusionment and the passivity of the masses. Irish republicans who put all their faith in the armed struggle simply disarm the masses. Look at how a militant working class nationalist working class has almost sleep walked into acceptance of the new Stormont as their previous leaders in armed struggle simply capitulated to the pressures.
Nationalist workers did so because of their loyalty to the organizations that awoke them to political life and gave an organized expression to their aspirations and put them into words. That role was in the main taken by the provisional movement.
On the other hand there were those who concentrated on the day today struggles of the workers while ignoring the democratic tasks of the day and in reality capitulated to the backwardness of many workers by refusal after refusal to campaign around the issue of the national question. The failure of many on the left to actively participate in the day to day struggle for civil rights in the late sixties or to actively participate in the campaign against internment in the early seventies simply paved the way for the provisional leadership to capture the allegiance of the nationalist working class. Breaking that allegiance is the responsibility of those who would claim the mantle of republican revolutionaries.

The defeat of the republican struggle from 1969 and the failure to prevent neo-colonial exploitation of Irish workers and of our natural resources was and is down to a failure of revolutionary leadership

In the early part of the 20th century the Bolshevik Party succeeded in a very short time in winning over the decisive majority of the workers and soldiers in the Russian revolution. They did this not by oratory, rhetoric, spontaneity, activism or sloganising. They did this on the basis of clear Marxist ideas and methods. They combined an ideological firmness on all fundamental questions with tactical flexibility needed to win over the masses to the side of the revolution. Building such a party today in Ireland will be no easy task. Ta Power pointed out the scorn some activists held for those who developed ideas and posed political actions. Within republicanism there is a tendency to denigrate thinkers particularly those who challenge the orthodox ideas of generations. And there is also sadly a lack of flexibility in tactics. To reject tactics such as fighting elections or taking seats in parliaments is to tie ones hand behind ones back before entering the ring. Republican socialists have always been flexible able to adopt to the situation we find ourselves in and work it to our advantage.

But we now need to accelerate the ideological development of the movement accelerating our political education to lay the basis for the formation of a new generation of political leaders who can lay a strong foundation for renewed revolutionary struggle in the days weeks and years ahead.
But along with this theoretical development we also need to intensify our work in the political struggles of the workers.
In this the tenth year of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement a priority could be a series of meetings /marches denouncing the fruits of that agreement. Republican socialists should seek to do that with other radical bodies but if necessary go it alone.
Again in the south of Ireland we need to re-establish our commitment to Connolly socialism and should organise meetings with others on the relevance of Connolly socialism today.
But these activities should not detract from pushing social issues, unemployment, housing, health and education etc. We need to show that Stormont and the Dail are an integral part of the capitalist system and will work only for the rich.
We Republican Socialists should also use this time to re-emphasise our non sectarian republicanism. We should not be afraid to preach the gospel of divine discontent in areas where we would usually not go. Loyalist/Protestant working class people should have nothing to fear from socialism or republicanism. They are not our enemies. Militant actions by sectarians masquerading as republicans pushed these people away from our politics. Let us reaffirm that we are pro-working class.

A major advance towards that would be by increasing our participation in the trade unions. Republican socialists are weak on the ground in trade union activity yet that is an area of struggle that holds out great possibilities of recruiting militant workers regardless of their perceived religious background.
The quality of the leadership is ultimately decisive in all revolutionary struggles. Republican Socialists have had outstanding leaders in the past including the likes of Seamus Costello, Miriam Daly, Ronnie Bunting, Ta Power and Gino Gallagher. Our movement has quite rightly paid homage to our dead comrades. But we also need to remember that revolutionaries including all of the above look forward to a better world. We need to look forward not back and establish a republican socialist leadership of the highest quality.
Gerry Ruddy

Book Review

(a slightly different version of this originally appeared in HISTORY IRELAND November/December 2007))
The Politics of Enmity

Paul Bew
Ireland: The Politics of Enmity 1789-2006
Oxford University Press, 2007 (613pp)

This volume is an addition to the Oxford History of Modern Europe series. “The book is about the conflict between the Protestant British -both on the British ‘mainland’ and in Ireland itself- and the Catholic Irish” states the preface. More specifically, it is a detailed history of the management of that enmity from the 1800 Act of Union to the 2006 St Andrews Agreement. All the various political frameworks created by the British state to solve its ‘Irish problem’ - Home Rule, partition, etc- are discussed in detail. With great skill, Bew recreates the political world of the ruling classes in London, Dublin and Belfast throughout two centuries through an extensive use of archives and papers available, and also attempts to convey the mood of popular politics through a particular emphasis on the press. The book is meticulously researched, thoroughly argued, often original in its insights; and most of its conclusions will be subject to controversy.

The author writes from a perspective sympathetic to liberal unionism and what he calls ‘conciliatory nationalism’. Parnell’s May 1891 speech, which insisted that “conciliation” was the only possible nationalist response to the “reasonable or unreasonable” sentiments of the Unionist community expresses one of the central arguments advanced by this book. While Bew defends ‘conciliatory nationalism’, he is critical of republicanism for failing to either convince or conciliate Unionism. However, it is not that Republicanism disregards the issue of Unionist consent to political arrangements, where it differs from other political forces like constitutional nationalism is that it refuses Unionist consent to be a prerequisite for constitutional change. While arguing that it is undesirable to coerce a ‘minority,’ republicanism contends that to give a guarantee to a ‘minority’ in advance against all coercion is to put a premium on unreasonableness and to make a settlement impossible. It will have no incentives to consider other political options so long as the British government gives it unconditional guarantees. The consent of a minority becomes transformed into a veto over the majority - unity by consent of a minority, partition by coercion of the majority. Bew’s stress on the importance of conciliation is partially based on a reading of history which concludes that it is impossible to coerce Ulster.

However, the fact that Ian Paisley could admit in a recent interview regarding why he came to endorse the St Andrews Agreement -“The British government threatened me. I was frightened. I was frightened for my country”- suggests that in specific historical conjunctures this can be possible. (1)

The emphasis upon the issues of conciliation and coercion is one of the strongest points of the book. But the author’s defence of conciliatory nationalism against a republicanism which exacerbates enmity with Unionism is sometimes problematical. Pearse for example was a constitutional home ruler who became a revolutionary after the Tory and Unionist subversion of the democratic request for Home Rule. Bonar Law’s “there are things stronger than parliamentary majorities”, the Curragh mutiny, the Larne gun running -events dismissed by Bew as “an extreme form of the politics of theatre” and as threats “more apparent than real”- convinced some conciliatory nationalists that the constitutional process was not allowed to be effective and that the threat of force was.

In his reading of the 1916 Rising, reduced to the more than questionable notion of a “blood sacrifice”, Bew underestimates the degree to which the actions of the Tories and the Unionists had a central role in driving figures of proven constitutional instincts such as Pease away from the constitutional path towards insurrection. The author also underestimates the extent to which the development of Unionism and partition were due to British policy rather than factors internal to Ireland. Edward Carson himself later admitted: “What a fool I was!” he exclaimed, “I was only a puppet and so was Ulster, and so was Ireland in the political game that was to get the Conservative Party into power.” (2) Bew believes that there was nothing 'artificial' about the creation of Northern Ireland and that partition was inevitable.

However, it was the British government which chose the way in which Ireland was divided and imposed this by force. The plan to partition Ireland was made long before any boundary areas were decided and long before the overall population of what is now the six and twenty six counties had any say in the matter. Moreover, in 1916 there were 17 Home Rule MPs in Ulster as opposed to 16 Unionists. It is inconceivable that face-to-face negotiations between Republicans, Nationalists and Unionists would have produced the same settlement. Unfortunately Unionists refused to attend the first meeting of the All-Ireland parliament set up in January 1919 and work out a political arrangement. They instead supported a continued attempt by Westminster to rule Ireland against the democratic mandate of the people for their own national parliament. The book lacks an in-depth discussion of the significance of the 1918 elections and of the consequences of the British government’s refusal to accept its results. The Unionist support for the British military campaign to crush the democratic wish of the people through the ‘fascist dictation’ of the RIC to use the very words of Crozier, the first commanding officer of the Auxilairies, puts them again into the camp of coercion rather than conciliation, something not emphasized by Bew despite his frequent criticisms of the negative aspects unionism.

The book contains some fine analyses on how strategic considerations shaped the nature of British state policy towards Ireland; for example with the Act of Union or during the Second World War. Bew agrees with Peter Brooke’s statement that the British state has no selfish strategic interest in Ireland today and even evokes “unselfish strategic interests”.

However, one can hint from an interview Brooke gave to Spanish academic Rogelio Alonso that this sentence was essentially intended to strengthen the hand of those within the Provos who were pushing for a ceasefire and embrace the peace process rather than as a statement of fact. Has the end of the Cold War made the British state's strategic interests in Ireland redundant? In his book The Geopolitics of Anglo-Irish Relations in the Twentieth Century (London: Leicester University Press, 1997) G.R. Sloan, Deputy Head of Strategic Studies at the Britannia Royal Naval College in Darmouth argued that the end of the Cold War had not diminished Ireland's strategic importance; compelling the British state to pursue a strategic policy of 'geopolitical dualism': on one hand ensuring that part of Ireland remains within NATO, and on the other claim 'no selfish strategic interests' to further the peace process. This is not of course to argue that strategic interests are the prime factor in shaping British state policy towards Ireland; but to emphasise that Bew is wrong to take as axiomatic that the British state has no longer any strategic interests in Ireland today.

The book finishes with a question mark as to whether the Provos acceptance of the principle of consent marks the end of over two centuries of enmity. As long as the British state remains in Ireland, there will always be those who will attempt to strike a blow against ‘normalization’ and ‘amnesia’ to use Bew’s good description of the intent of Robert Emmet’s 1803 insurrection. This book is not the “definitive history of Ireland” but rather a sophisticated polemical reading of the history of Ireland since the French revolution. It can be difficult and heavy going in some places if one is not familiar with some of the issues discussed. The book will be especially of interest for people interested in ideas and arguments.


(1) Dan Keenan, Paisley chose power-sharing over 'destruction of Union', The Irish Times, 6 April 2007
(2) ATQ Stewart, Edward Carson, Dublin: Gill&MacMillan, 1981, p.125

From the newspapers
Most Russians said to favour Soviet-style economy
MOSCOW (Reuters) - More than half of all Russians favour a return to a Soviet-style economy and believe democracy could be sacrificed to maintain order, according to an opinion poll. Fifty-two percent of respondents to the poll, conducted by the independent Levada Centre, said they favoured an "economy based on state planning and distribution" -- a reference to the Communist-era economic system.The figure has increased by 11 percentage points since 1997. The number of respondents who said they favoured an "economy based on private property and market relations" declined in the same period to 29 percent from 40.
The emergence of the market economy and the introduction of democratic freedom changed Russia's economy dramatically in the years following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.But privatisation has also been accompanied by plummeting living standards for many Russians.
President Vladimir Putin, who came to power in 2000, has made restoring order his priority. Opponents say this has damaged democracy and accuse Putin, who has to step down next year, of focusing political and economic power in the Kremlin. Under Putin, the government has also claimed back control over strategic sectors of the economy.
According to the Levada Centre, 69 percent of respondents believe that"maintaining order is paramount even if democratic principles and personal freedoms need to be breached". Only 18 percent of respondents thought otherwise. However, 66 percent of respondents said they believed authorities should remain under the control of the people, against 55 percent two years ago. The representative poll was conducted on November 20-23 among 1,600respondents. Error margin was 3 percent.
(Writing by Oleg Shchedrov; editing by Robert Woodward)


Belfast: slow growth and low cost labour…
A report from the Centre for Cities > produces interesting statistics about Belfast

,Of 60 cities Belfast has the slowest growth (-0.8% over ten years).
Belfast has the lowest wages. £395.7 being the average wage.
Belfast also has the lowest employment rate at 63.4%.

The demand for social housing in the north it at its highest in 30 years according to a new report. It has also been revealed that no new social housing is being built in west Belfast.
Recent reports on the extent of poverty in the north is also alarming, before housing costs 43% of homes live on 300 a week, 16% live on 200 per week and 25% after housing costs. 22% of employees are in the ‘low pay sector’ and 8 of the 10 of the UK’s ‘economic blackspots’ are in the north.
Meanwhile, Seagate have made 900 workers redundant despite receiving 37 million in government grants of the tax payers money!
Without comment.

THE IRISH TIMES headlines on a recent (Provisional ) Sinn Fein's Ard Fheis

Republicans get comfortable with notion of prosperity
Analysis Sinn Fein leaders are signalling significant shifts in policy

Adams concedes need to alter SF message
President's address Sinn Féin must fundamentally reshape its message in the Republic if it is to succeed in future elections, the party's president, Gerry Adams, has conceded following poor results in May's general election.

McDonald tells party migration must be managed
Debates Sinn Féin is "not in favour of an 'open door' or 'open border' policy", the party's Dublin MEP Mary Lou McDonald told a special conference to conclude the party's lengthy review of its general election performance.

Ferris calls for public support of Garda in fight against drug crime
Illegal drugs Kerry North Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris called for public assistance for the Garda in the battle against drug-pushing.

Political parties seen as most corrupt institutions

Irish people see political parties as the most corrupt institutions in the country, according to a survey by the Transparency International Organisation.

The survey has also found that almost half of people believe corruption will
increase in the coming years. 51% say the Government isn't doing enough to tackle the problem.

Transparency International, which campaigns against corruption throughout the world, says the findings of the survey show that inquiries like theMahon Tribunal must be allowed to continue their work unhindered.
06/12/2007 -

10% rise in A&E charges

The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, has defended the Government's decision to increase A&E charges by 10% as part of 'budget.
A visit to Accident and Emergency wards will now cost €66.
The rise was designed to encourage people to go to a GP rather than clogging up A&E units.
Lesson don’t get sick!


Re the “Editorial: So What˙s The Alternative? In many of our activities as a Party we in the IRSP are often asked, occasionally in a hostile manner, but more often in a resigned but curious”

Fellow Worker,

I cannot Thank you enough for the clarity and honesty of this editorial. I had the great fortune of being friends with several noted and notorious civil rights activists in the USA civil right movement, one of whom was the only white person in Dr M L King Jr’s entourage on the evening when he was assassinated. Over and again this woman would note that there is absolutely nothing worse than betrayal by someone who you believed to be your friend. I’ve found this to be consistent and unfortunately ingrained in the movement of those of us who struggle for fairness and justice, no matter where we are.

The great betrayal of those, who we believed to be our comrades, morphing themselves into the very people they preached that they hated, seems all too universal.

My Irish ancestors came to Kentucky in the 1770’s seeking a better life for our families and communities. The wealth of the land, be it the crops, the coal, the timber, the eco-system or the health and safety of our workers has been repeatedly exploited and exhausted with little or none of the fruits or benefits of that wealth remaining here in these mountains.

In Kentucky, in Ireland, it is painfully clear that the wealth of our communities belongs to the people who live in those communities. If there is a way to obtain this end other than democratic socialism, it entirely escapes me.

Once again, thank you for the clarity with which you explain the difficult dynamics of the Irish working people’s lives. Those dynamics are no less devastating to good decent men and women across the globe as long as the World Bank and IMF control our destinies and not democratic communities.

For Justice,

Frank Barrett Norris

Louisville, KY USA

Dear friends,
On the 8th January two young persons were arrested in the Basque Country by Spanish Guardia Civil. They were accused of being members of ETA. Their names are Igor Portu and Mattin Sarasola. On the 9th januaqryIgor Portu was transfered to the intensive care unity of "Donosti Hospital". The reason:

- Two ribs Broken.- Perforate lung .- Haemorrhage in the left eye.
- Bruises all over the body.
This link will send you to a copy of the medical report:

We have recently known the tortures and rape that Gorka Lupianez suffered a month ago in the hands of the Guardia Civil.Mattin Sarasola, the other arrested, continues under custody of the Guardia Civil. We fear that he might also be being tortured at this moment.
Please spread the news.
All the best,
Batasuna - European Office
0032 (0 ) 473881513
What’s on

Republican Network for Unity
Bloody Sunday Workshop

7.30pm Monday 28th January

*Political Parties are asked to indicate whether they would like to nominate a speaker to the panel

Truth against Lies

The Republican Network for Unity is an organisation made up of ex-Republican prisoners and concerned Republicans. It was formed over a year ago to provide a platform from which British rule in its various guises can be effectively challenged.
RNU propose to host a workshop during the Bloody Sunday Commemoration events on the theme of “truth against lies”. To defend truth and expose lies in the political arena in a fundamental prerequisite of real democracy and political activism.
The British Government has effectively used lies and misinformation as weapons of war in Ireland for generations. Bloody Sunday, its aftermath and the Wigery whitewash are examples of this fundamental, deliberate and strategically targeted dishonesty. They are by no means isolated examples but form part of an elaborate tapestry of lies woven into the political fabric of the occupied six counties of Ireland.
The RNU would like the workshop to host an open debate on the damage systemic lies can inflict upon the political sphere itself. Over recent years, the British Government has been involved in political “window –dressing” trying to sell the normalisation of the six counties to the nationalist community. In reality, the draconian powers to detain, remand and intern are still on the statute books and, if anything have been beefed up so as to support the American “War on Terror”. MI5 are openly overseeing the implementation of RUC/PSNI security policies and the British Army haven’t gone away. These were all among the critical issues that brought marchers out onto the streets on Bloody Sunday.
We would like these issues to be debated in the workshop as well as specific instances of continuing RUC/PSNI political policing and use of diplock courts. The case of Sean Hoey recently exposed how readily senior RUC/PSNI officers will resort to lying in order to frame those they suspect of Republican sympathies. This is only the tip of the iceberg and one of a number of similar cases in recent years where lies and tampering with evidence were shown to be among the ordinary techniques the RUC/PSNI use – and have always used – to “police” nationalist areas. Others cases include that of Martin Brogan, the Seamus Doherty case and the trial of Kevin Murphy.and others who were set up by a Special Branch agent.

Shell To Sea

The RSYM, in co-operation with the Shell To Sea campaign are holding a
Shell To Sea picket on Tuesday 29th of January at 5pm outside
Andersonstown Shell Station in protest over the continued abuse of the community in Erris, Co. Mayo by Shell and Garda thugs and over the
selling off of Ireland's natural resources.

We are asking for your support to make this event a success.

More information on the situation at present can be sought from:

The Republican Socialist Movement invites all members, supporters and fellow republicans and socialists to the 25th Anniversary Commemoration March in Memory Of INLA Volunteer Neil McMonagle.

2pm, Saturday 2nd February 2008

Assemble Galliagh Co-op



1 pm Cultúrlann McAdam Ó Fiaich to the city centre.

Here’s some important information about the next big event in the ‘Tá’ project.
Spread the word and come out and show your support for the Irish language and diversity!In the past number of years, the Irish language community has grown and developed. More and more people have felt they could show their interest in the language. New schools and new projects have been established. But in recent months, the Irish language has been under non-stop attack.

POBAL has launched a new campaign to give a chance for everyone to show their support for the Irish language. Anyone can do it - individuals, Irish language groups, schools, local councils, residents’ associations, partnerships, teachers, ethnic minorities, trade unionists, artists – you name it!

We have posters and flyers and can get these to anyone who would like them. If you can give an hour or two to get involved in the work of the project, give us a shout 028 90 438132 or

'Orlando Borrego is so identified with me all that is missing is for him to get asthma and we
would be the same person'- Che Guevara, Bolivia 1967

...and representing two other generations of Cubans-



This is an opportunity not to be missed. Join us in building for this important and historical event. Support the events below. Donate what you can at . Contact us for leaflets, posters, tickets and details of how you can work with us to promote this meeting.


Tuesday 22 January - RATB Speaking Tour Organising Meeting! 7pm
Open to any individuals and organisations who want to help out with publicising and organising the Speaking Tour.
7-9pm, Tuesday 22 January

Room 613, Boyd Orr building, University Avenue

Glasgow University

Saturday 26 January - The Cubans are Coming Street Event! 12-4pm
Help publicise the Speaking Tour and defend Socialist Cuba! All Welcome, Open Megaphone
Top of Buchanan Street - Near Buchanan Galleries and Donald Dewar Statue
Glasgow City Centre

Saturday 16 February - The Cubans are Coming Street Event! 1 -3pm
Socialism into the 21st Century
Help publicise the Speaking Tour and defend Socialist Cuba! All Welcome, Open Megaphone
Top of Buchanan Street - Near Buchanan Galleries and Donald Dewar Statue
Glasgow City Centre
Nearest Subway - Buchanan Street

Saturday 23 February - The Cubans are Coming Street Event! 1-3pm
Socialism into the 21st Century
Help publicise the Speaking Tour and defend Socialist Cuba! All Welcome, Open Megaphone
Top of Buchanan Street - Near Buchanan Galleries and Donald Dewar Statue
Glasgow City Centre
Nearest Subway - Buchanan Street


1) Dundee Speaking Tour Support Event: DVD- "How Cuba Survived Peak Oil"
Discussion and Speaking Tour Support Planning.
Thursday 24 January
Room G9
Dundee University Tower
Perth Road, Dundee

2) Dundee Speaking Tour Fundraiser: DVD/ Social- "Erroll Flynn And The
Cuban Revolution".
Cuba Libres, Music, Quiz and Raffle. £5/ Donation
Thursday 14 February
Room G9
Dundee University Tower
Perth Road, Dundee

3) "Take This Bus To Cuba!" Transport leaves Dundee for Glasgow Speaking Tour Rally
Thursday 28 February
5.00pm- returning for 12.00am £10/Donation
Meet at Braes Bar,
Perth Road, Dundee