The Plough Vol 02 No 42

The Plough
Volume 2, Number 42
27 June 2005

E-Mail Newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1) Bodenstown Speech at the Grave of Wolfe Tone
2) Commemoration of Miriam Daly
3) Letters
4) What's On

*******

BODENSTOWN SPEECH AT THE GRAVE OF WOLFE TONE

[The following speech was delivered by IRSP Ard-Chomhairle member John
Murtagh to a gathering of about 200 members of the Republican
Socialist Movement at Bodenstown, the burial place of the founding
father of Irish Republicanism.]

Fellow Republicans,

"From my earliest youth I have regarded the connection between Ireland
and Great Britain as the curse of the Irish nation, and felt
convinced, that while it lasted, this country would never be free or
happy. In consequence, I determined to apply all the power, which my
individual efforts could move, in order to separate the two countries.
That Ireland was not able, of herself, to throw off the yoke, I knew.
I therefore sought for aid wherever it was to be found...Under the
flag of the French Republic I originally engaged with a view to save
and liberate my own country. For that purpose I have encountered the
chances of war amongst strangers: for that purpose I have repeatedly
braved the terrors of the ocean, covered as I knew it to be with the
triumphant fleets of that Power which it was my glory and my duty to
oppose. I have sacrificed all my views in life; I have courted
poverty; I have left a beloved wife unprotected, and children whom I
adored, fatherless. After such sacrifices, in a cause which I have
always considered as the cause of justice and freedom - it is no great
effort at this day to add the sacrifice of my life." - Wolfe Tone

Once more we gather to pay homage to the ideals of republicanism at
the grave of the founding father of Irish Republicanism, Theobald
Wolfe Tone. Occasions like these are important to us. Important
because standing here today at this graveside we are reminded how
privileged we are to be called republicans.

Comrades and friends, to be an Irish Republican is a heavy
responsibility for we have a duty to ensure that the high ideals that
are associated with Irish Republicanism are maintained and upheld.
When the Society of United Irishmen was formed it espoused the most
radical ideas and beliefs of the times - liberty, equality and
fraternity. We in the Republican Socialist Movement still adhere to
those basic principles and believe that for our society they can only
be truly implemented in a genuine democratic republic for all the
people on this island based on socialist values and principles.

Therefore no member of this movement should dishonour the principles
of republican socialism by either by word or deed. Unfortunately past
members of ours, people who we once called comrades, have, when they
were expelled or left this movement, betrayed the beliefs they once
espoused.

There are people purporting to be in the INLA involved in drug
dealing, protectionism and criminality operating particularly in the
Dublin area. Needless to say they are not part of this movement. Have
nothing to do with these people.

However these criminals do share something in common with the
political elites who run both parts of this country. They both have
damaged real politics by their cheating, lying, distorting and
corrupting influences. Many ordinary working class have become jaded
and cynical about what passes for politics on this island. Double
speak, spin-doctoring and lying are all that we now expect to hear
from the politicians who daily appear on our TV screens. And it is no
good republicans pointing the finger of blame at someone like Michael
McDowell and crying that he is trying to criminalise republicans. Like
Caesar's wife, republicans should be above suspicion. And that is not
the case today.

Comrades, let me be frank. We have a long way to go to reassure the
Irish working class that republican socialists are deserving of their
support. We have a long difficult road ahead of us. Therefore there is
a responsibility on all of us here today to ensure that we live up to
the high values we expect of republican socialists. Ask yourself what
have I done in the past 12 months to advance the cause of the Irish
working class.

Outside of republican commemorations - Have I marched for good causes
such as the anti-war movement? Against bin charges or water rates?
Have I been involved in pickets? Gone to trade union meetings? Been
active in my local community associations? Sold the party newspaper?
Indeed have I written for the party newspaper? Have I recruited young
people to the party? Have I contributed to the party's finances? Have
I campaigned against poverty, injustice or repression? Have I read the
writings of James Connolly? Do I know anything about Wolfe Tone? Have
I educated myself in republican and socialist history and ideas?

Or am I one, who hating the "Orangies" joined this movement so that in
the marching season I might get the chance to have a crack at them
with something substantial? Or am I, a bar room republican content to
drink with those who once smelt the cordite, in the hope that people
will see me as "one of the boys"?

Comrades, we in the Republican Socialist Movement are not innocents
abroad. We know that many of us from the North have been influenced by
the sectarian atmosphere that is in the air.

Recent events in Ardoyne raises the sectarian atmosphere and no one
can help but be affected. Sectarian attitudes may well rise to the
surface. But we do have a duty as republicans to rise above these
feelings for we want to build an Ireland that embraces everyone no
matter what background. Yes we have been, are and will be strong
opponents of the British directed loyalist murder gangs. But we make
every effort no matter how difficult to reach out to the Protestant
working class to convince them that our vision could be their vision.

We have said time and time again for the whole of our existence as a
revolutionary movement since 1974 that tinkering with the current
partitionist states on the island will not solve the basic fundamental
problems of the island. So long as the northern statelet exists so
long will there be instability, sectarianism, and hatred, capitalism
and exploitation. The futile attempts since 1998 to establish
political institutions based on Stormont have failed. They only mirror
the previous failures to establish some form of local government.

There is no widespread grassroots agitation in nationalist areas for
the return of a devolved administration in the North. People have seen
how the politicians were basically interested in feathering their own
nest.

Both of the states established after the partition of Ireland by
British imperialism have not been successful. For example during the
first fifty years of both states millions emigrated because their
living conditions were abject poverty and soul-destroying drudgery.
While the middle classes knelt and prayed in their churches on one day
a week the other six days they were exploiting their workers and
engaging in total hypocrisy. The two states were confessional states
for if people believe their creed or nationality is more important
than their class then capitalism and imperialism can continue to
exploit the workers.

Unionist domination, bigotry, discrimination and sectarianism have
been and are the key distinguishing features of the northern state.
Cronyism, corruption, handouts to the rich and a gombeen mentality
have been hallmarks of the Free State and its ruling class. In essence
both police forces were distinguished for their ability to brutalise,
to bully, to lie, to cover up and to repress working class
communities. No wonder many working class communities despise the
police force, whether it is called the Garda or RUC/PSNI. They are
still instruments of state repression.

Over the nearly thirty-one years the Irish Republican Socialist
Movement has existed, members of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
and the Irish National Liberation Army have been imprisoned by the
British imperialist state and its Free State allies for their role in
the struggle for national liberation and socialism in Ireland. Our
class analysis has remained the backbone of republican socialist
politics through the years of struggle, both armed and unarmed, for a
socialist republic. It will continue to do so as we determine the best
way forward for our class, our cause and our struggle. We do not ever
forget the suffering of the families and loved ones of our fallen
comrades have endured, indeed still endure in the uncertain political
climate of today. That is why the work many of our comrades are doing
in Teach Na Failte is so important for it allows us to remember,
honour and work with our volunteers who endured the jails of the
oppressor.

On the 1st of March 1981 began a hunger strike in which 10
republicans,, including three of our comrades, died. That hunger
strike changed the face of Irish politics and in particular the nature
of the engagement between Ireland and Britain. But sometimes what was
gained is sometimes lost. Or in the case of the gains won by that
hunger strike bargained away. So can I on behalf of our movement
condemn the giving away of the gains that the 10 dead hungers
sacrificed their lives for – political status. Those gains were
bargained away as part of the Good Friday Agreement. That was a
shameful bargain.

I also want to express our solidarity with republican prisoners in the
jails of the North regardless of what organisations they belong to. We
recognise them as genuine anti-imperialist fighters regardless of our
differences on strategy. And of course we send our greetings to our
comrades still in jail, especially Comrade Dessie O'Hare, a victim of
the vindictive Free State ruling class.

With the changing international situation and the collapse of the
Soviet bloc, tactics had to change. Comrades, our movement is
inflexible on the issue of principles but exerts the maximum
flexibility on tactics. Today's tactics demand a total commitment to
politicisation and the fullest implementation of the principles
espoused by the famous Ta Power Document. But we do not fool ourselves
by claiming we are on the road to the Republic. No, the Good Friday
Agreement has put up an enormous blockage to that road and we need to
recognise the seriousness of the defeat that republicanism has
suffered. But while we have suffered a set back in Ireland we can look
with satisfaction at the growing worldwide support for socialist
ideas.

We in Ireland know full well what it means to be part of a community
oppressed by colonialism and imperialism, and we stand in solidarity
with all peoples struggling against such oppression. Although in
response to the wishes of the Irish people the INLA called a
cease-fire, the Republican Socialist Movement rejected and still today
rejects not only the Good Friday Agreement but also the pacification
process that runs parallel with the Good Friday Agreement. Whilst
believing in national self-determination for the Irish people our
movement has never deserted the internationalism that is central to
republicanism in favour of a narrow nationalism. All of you here today
and all who are part of our movement need to be aware of the
international struggles of the working class taking place around the
world. Our movement is part of a wider world-wide struggle for freedom
and socialism.

As part of our internationalism, two comrades recently were in the
Basque country on a speaking tour and expressing our complete
solidarity with the Basque prisoners and condemning the efforts by the
Spanish state to isolate the prisoners from each other and their
families by jailing them many miles from their homeland. Another of
our comrades went to Venezuela to see a revolutionary process underway
and work with the working classes in their struggle to build a
socialist society. This weekend a number of our ex-prisoners have gone
with an international work brigade to Cuba to show solidarity with the
revolutionary process there. Also this weekend the son of hunger
striker Michael Devine and an ex-prisoner are in Istanbul attending a
conference on the isolation of political prisoners' worldwide.

That is a concrete way to express our internationalism and our
solidarity with the victims of imperialism. That, we believe, is our
duty as socialists. We believe you cannot condemn what imperialism is
doing around the world without at the same time identifying with the
victims of imperialism. And let there be no doubt that political
prisoners are victims of imperialism no matter what so-called crimes
the allies of imperialism say they have committed. It is not for us to
condemn those who resist imperialism. That would be gross treachery to
the concepts we hold dear.

We have no time for those who from afar condemn those who practice
resistance. These so-called socialists and Marxists are only playing
with the notion of revolution. Therefore we say to any young person
who might be attracted to the politics of sects like the Socialist
Workers Party and the Socialist Party, before joining them ask them
about anti-imperialism. They may call for Brits out of Iraq but are
silent on Brits out of Ireland. They play at revolution for a few
years before moving on.

Comrades, we don't play. Our hunger strikers did not play at
revolution. Our dead volunteers and comrades did not play at
revolution. They lived and died in revolutionary struggle. Comrades
and friends, you cannot be a committed Marxist or socialist and not be
a committed anti-imperialist. So to those young people we say join a
real working class party - a socialist party – an anti-imperialist
party - based on the needs interests and concerns of the working class
- the IRSP.

So, comrades, as you leave this place determine and decide that over
the next 12 months you will play a full part in the struggles ahead
what ever those struggles are. And remember always to stand proud as a
republican socialist, an anti–imperialist, a class-conscious
revolutionary. Forward to the Socialist Republic!!!

*******

COMMEMORATION OF MIRIAM DALY

[The following speech was delivered on the 25th anniversary of the
death of Miriam Daly, at her graveside, Swords, County Dublin, 25th
June 2005.

The address was given by James Daly, husband of Miriam. This speech
should give republicans much to think on as it cuts through all the
fog that surrounds the so-called peace process to go to the heart of
the matter.]

At commemorations like this in earlier years, while the struggle
continued, we could think in terms of the nobility of the cause
transcending the horror of Miriam's death, and I could quote James
Connolly's last message to his wife, "Hasn't it been a good life,
Lily, and isn't this a good end?" But lately the cause for which she
was tragically martyred has slithered down into slapstick comedy,
farce and low buffoonery. Trimble with impunity calls Republicans
dogs and pigs. War criminal Blair backs Paisley's theocratic demand
that since Republicans have sinned in public they must repent in
public. That from an alumnus of Bob Jones University, whose
president's wife, Mrs Bob Jones III, asked for her opinion on
something, stated "Good book says wife don't have opinion, husband
head of household have opinions".

But this is not a case of harmless mud wrestling -- entertaining,
colourful folklore. Murderous buffoons are not confined to the six
counties. George W. Bush launched his first presidential campaign
from Bob Jones University. And in the six counties, to use an animal
metaphor which doesn't degrade the user, the fox has been put in
charge of the chicken coop. Paisley, the master of destruction, the
organiser of chaos, has got rid one by one of every previous leader
of unionism, O'Neill, Chichester-Clarke, Faulkner, Molyneux and
Trimble. His next target is the Parades Commission. When UDA banners
are forced by the PSNI/RUC through Catholic areas like Ardoyne, murder
is not far behind. Under that threat, the parades commission, if it
still exists by then, could well allow the Orange Order to march down
Garvaghy Road next year.

This year, on the 25th anniversary of Miriam's death I feel there is
at least one thing I can do, and that is to restate an important
message she never tired of repeating. It was: to beware of and shun
so-called "conflict resolution", the alleged academic discipline
which is in fact an imperialist confidence trick.

The conflict resolution agenda requires the obliteration of the
obvious truth about the nature of the struggle. This has been
distorted to such an extent that the inheritors of the 1912
loyalists' successful threat of civil war in Britain, which was
supported by British imperialist finance capitalism, the inheritors of
the Curragh mutiny, and of the running of the Larne guns -- never
decommissioned -- by all of which the six county territory was
secured, are universally, and without argument from Sinn Fein,
accepted as the arbiters of when a decontaminated Sinn Fein can be
judged to have become "democratic". On John Hume's side of the
conflict the dispute is said *not* to be about territory but about
minds and hearts. There is no such illusion on the other side. The
issue of territory has been won and ceded in advance.

Some republican publications which are ostensibly in opposition to
Sinn Fein show that they are in fact following a similar politics
when they invite unionists to use their pages to exhort the IRA to
decommission, and when they say that there is nothing wrong with the
Orange Order as long as its marches are within "its own" areas.

The Irish people were victims ground down in the end by many years
not only of the relentless use in the foreground of the stick of
repression, but also of the indefatigable use in the background of
the carrot of conflict resolution. The fact that the conflict
resolution approach was involved is emerging into the daylight now. It
resulted in the majority of the Irish people's being not only coerced
but also tricked into voting yes in a referendum giving up for nothing
the principle of national liberation which had been enshrined in
articles 2 and 3 of the southern constitution, and into capitulating
to John Hume's politics.

Miriam had total clarity about the imperialist use of conflict
resolution in Ireland. I will try to briefly restate her message
here -- in my opinion, that specific part of her anti-imperialist
message which brought about her death.

Unlike the aims of conflict resolution, Miriam's aim was the Irish
Republican Socialist one embodied in the demands drafted by Seamus
Costello for the Broad Front document and agreed at the IRSP's first
conference. They included:

Number 6. That the Irish anti-imperialist front rejects a federal
solution and the continued existence of two separate states in the
six and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to
sovereignty and recognises the only alternative as being the creation
of a 32 County Democratic Republic with a secular constitution.

Number 7. That the Irish anti-imperialist front demands the convening
of an all Ireland constitutional conference representative of all
shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing
a Democratic and secular constitution which would become effective
immediately following a total British military and political
withdrawal from Ireland.

Seamus always stressed the presence here of two points of principle:
first that the British would be excluded from such a constitutional
conference; and second that the British must actually withdraw;
perfidious Albion must not merely state an intention to withdraw, as
they did in the declaration which John Hume later obtained -- with
the rider of course that they would stay as long as the unionists
wanted them to; which is till kingdom come. His rejection of the two
state or federal "solution" went with his rejection of that (Belfast)
ring-road socialism which was always acceptable to practitioners of
conflict resolution.

Miriam became aware as early as 1972 of what she called a plague of
locusts, of people -- often on first name terms with British and
American ministers and officials -- who appeared variously as
academics, social workers, journalists etc. They were all equally
anxious to divert the Irish national liberation struggle away from
anti-imperialist national and class analysis, and from political
demands on an all Ireland basis, and to redirect it into the
management of what was described, to Miriam's fury, as an ethnic
struggle in the six counties between Irish Catholic nationalists and
British Protestant unionists.

Unlike Seamus Costello's projected constitutional conference,
conflict resolution meetings must necessarily be chaired by
representatives of the imperialists in the guise of honest brokers.
But they cannot allow any consideration of history or of colonialism.
They insist on formal neutrality (though of course there cannot be
real neutrality) not only from the chair but from the participants,
and they do not allow discussion of anything in terms of moral
categories such as justice or oppression. Republicans must put
themselves on a par with loyalist rapists and sexual mutilators, and
those who throw urine over eight-year-old girls trying to go to
school.

The aim of conflict resolution is not justice but the ending of
"disturbance of the peace" in the form of resistance to the status
quo. Its method is cynical bargaining in relation to relative
strengths and threats. Since it is accepted that the conflict is
within the six counties, the alternative to submission by the
nationalists would clearly be, on the part of the unionists who are
stronger and more ruthless, a violence unlimited to the point of
psychosis -- a violence like that of the Israelis against the
Palestinians, as the Israeli flags flying in loyalist areas make
abundantly clear. Therefore the British must remain to placate the
unionists and thus protect the nationalists.

Here today we remember Seamus's and Miriam's heroic attempt to
prevent that outcome, and we face the tasks left to us by those who
did not take their road.

*******

LETTERS

*

Comrades,

Little or nothing appears in the media here, progressive or otherwise
about the situation in Kashmir. Partitioned, and its future dictated
by India and Pakistan, the spoils of war. The US want to impose a
"Northern Ireland strategy" and exclude the aspirations of the
Kashmiri people. Whether we would support the objectives of the Hizbul
Mujahideen or not, we have a responsibility to ensure the voice of
resistance to colonial rule whether in Ireland or Kashmir will not be
silenced....

Mike

Subject: Greater Kashmir, June 21, 2005

Hizb says armed struggle to continue

Truce if conditions are met; To consider self-rule if it means
withdrawal of troops

Muzaffarabad, June 20: Hizbul Mujahideen supreme commander Syed
Salahuddin on Monday ruled out ceasefire in Kashmir due to what he
said stubbornness of Indian government and instead called upon the
Kashmiri youth to reinforce the armed struggle.

"The need of an organised and massive armed struggle has increased
today more than ever and the Kashmiri youth need to prepare themselves
for the fighting in maximum number" he said in an exclusive telephonic
interview with this correspondent.

Hizbul Mujahideen, the largest fighter group, had struck a "unilateral
ceasefire" five years ago but withdrew it within two weeks.

So far India is constantly showing stubbornness and seems to be
completely unwilling to accept the ground realities, which leave us
with no option, but to strengthen the Jihad, Salahuddin said.

He rejected internal autonomy as a possible solution to the long
running dispute, saying Kashmiris had not sacrificed nearly 100,000
lives in the past 16 years for any internal autonomy.

But, he said, the option of self-rule could be given a serious
consideration if it means complete withdrawal of Indian troops from
the occupied territory.

Salahuddin also dismissed the ongoing dialogue process between India
and Pakistan as waste of time.

Unless India adopts a realistic approach the dialogue in the present
situation is nothing but waste of time, he said, but hastened to lend
his support to a purposeful dialogue. We have never been against the
dialogue. Rather we support it, but only when it is directed at
determining the future status of disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir
in accordance with the wishes of its people. We are not fond of
shedding blood. We know this (armed) struggle does cause some trouble
to the people of our homeland. But we are bound to continue it, as we
don't see any sign of hope from Indian side. We don't see any
signal of sincerity and seriousness from them. Salahuddin said their
conditions for a ceasefire in Kashmir were very clear.

First of all India should accept the whole of Kashmir as a disputed
territory with a pledge to resolve it in line with the wishes and
aspirations of the Kashmiris. And then it should reduce the number of
its troops in Kashmir to pre-1989 position, release all the Kashmiri
prisoners and stop human rights violations, he said.

In the absence of these steps, no one should expect we would
unilaterally lay down our weapons, he declared.

He said it was India's strategy to end the armed struggle, which was
the only worry for it.

And I tell you once the armed struggle comes to end, India will never
hold a purposeful dialogue.

Salahuddin also confirmed he had recently held brief individual
meetings with some of the separatist leaders.

He was referring to a nine member delegation of separatist leaders,
seven of them from Mirwaiz Umar Farooq led faction of All Parties
Hurriyat Conference (APHC), which visited Pakistan and its
administered part of Kashmir for two weeks on a trip, seen as part of
a peace process between Islamabad and New Delhi to end the bitter
dispute over the Himalayan region.

I also made it clear to those who met me that the armed struggle will
continue until there are signs of success of the freedom movement,
Salahuddin said.

While the separatist leaders were in Pakistan, Salahuddin criticised
them for presenting assorted options on Kashmir.

To a question on the suggestion of triangular talks he said:

India is not ready to change its false stand but ironically majority
of our political leadership is constantly retreating. India is taking
Kashmir as its internal problem and not an international issue.
Instead of taking a bold stand, that political leadership is giving
colours to India’s stance.

Salahuddin said he had also told the visitors that the friction in the
ranks of political leadership was jeopardizing the outcome of the
sacrifices offered by the Kashmiris.

There is strong need of unity among the recognised, reliable and
sincere leadership on the basis of principle of right to
self-determination, he said.

But when asked whom he meant by recognised, reliable and sincere
leadership he said: People of Kashmir know who is that leadership.

But it was obvious that Salahuddin was referring to Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, chairman of his faction of APHC. Hizb has always thrown its
weight behind Geelani regarding him as the most genuine Kashmiri
leader. Geelani was also invited to Pakistan but he declined the
invitation, angry at what he sees as Pakistan's offering too many
concessions to India without anything in return.

Salahuddin also criticized the international community and some
international non-governmental organizations for ignoring the root
cause of the Kashmir problem.

They talk about peace and end of violence, but none looks why this
peace has been disturbed and what is the root cause of the problem.
This is very unfortunate.

The guerrilla leader also made it clear that any solution ignoring the
freedom-seeking people of Jammu region would not be acceptable to
them.

from
Fazal H. Dar
Department of Economics
University of Regina
REGINA, Saskatchewan
Canada S4S 0A2
Tel. (306)585-4074

*

Comrades,

A delegation of Irish politicians recently visited Palestine and were
horrified at what they saw there. Green Party TD John Gormley
declared: "What we witnessed on our trip this weekend is worse than
the apartheid regime in South Africa." Of course they saw little signs
of the Israeli "disengagement" we hear so much about in the media.
These politicians will hold a public meeting in Dublin this coming
Wednesday to tell people about their experiences. Please come and
learn the truth about life still very much under occupation.

SPEAKERS:
John Gormley TD (Green Party)
Senator Terry Leyden (FF),
Senator John Paul Phelan (FG)
Aengus O Snodaigh TD (Sinn Féin).

WHERE: Buswell's Hotel, Molesworth Street (off Kildare
St.)

WHEN: Wednesday 29th of June at 7.30pm

Local community activists and the IPSC are helping to organise a
Sponsored Maracycle from Belfast to Dublin for the registered charity
Palestine's Child. A sub-committee is being set up to plan sponsorship
and other aspects of the event.

If you are interested in taking part in the maracycle please let me
know.

If interested in helping to plan it please join us in the Culturlann,
Falls Road, Belfast, at 5.30pm Thursday 30th June. The aim is to hold
the event sometime in September (date to be decided). We are hoping
that local community groups, NGOs and businesses will help with
sponsorship.

A leafleting operation will take place in Belfast on Thursday 7th July
at 5.00pm-6.00pm. This is to commemorate the anniversay of the
International court at the Hague's opinion last year (7th July) that
the Israeli Apartheid Wall is illegal under international law and
should be torn down and compensation paid to Palestinians affected by
it. Needless to say Israel has ignored this and the International
community has done nothing to make it heed the Court. The leafleting
is to remind the public of the illegality of the Israeli Occupation
and the continuing violations of international law - despite what the
media would have them believe.

Meet Castle Street/King Street junction, leafleting
Belfast city Centre 5.00 pm - 6.00pm. All welcome.

Féilim-Irish Palestinian Solidarity Campaign

*

Life of James Connolly, Socialist and Union Organiser, to be filmed
Launch of new project by the James Connolly Foundation for Educational
Equality.

The James Connolly Foundation for Educational Equality was officially
launched by The Lord Mayor of Dublin in December 2004. The Foundation
was established to facilitate the production of a new major feature
film called 'Connolly'. An international release is planned for May
2006 to commemorate his life on the 90th anniversary of his death.

'Connolly' is being produced by Rascal Films, a newly formed Dublin
based Production Company and already it has attracted a very
high-quality director, cast, crew and film editor. Adrian Dunbar, star
of stage and screen, associated with The Shaughran, The General, The
Crying Game and Hear My Song, will launch his film directorial career
on Connolly. We are also delighted to announce that the Glaswegian
Peter Mullan, who starred in such hits as Trainspotting and My Name Is
Joe, and fresh from his huge international success with The Magdalene
Sisters, will play the part of James Connolly. Patrick Duffner, of My
Left Foot and Michael Collins fame, has agreed to edit Connolly. The
cinematography, art and design teams will be of the highest calibre in
the industry.

The estimated budget for the film is in the region of 16 million
euros. Rascal Films and the Trustees of The James Connolly Foundation
for Educational Equality recently met with the Executive Council of
the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, and the project of bringing
Connolly's life, vision and idealism to the screen won unanimous
support. The film project has since received the full endorsement of
the ICTU leadership and statements of support have been received from
many other union leaders. Active support groups for the film are now
being established within the British labour and trade union movement.
This support allows the film become the people's film and will
re-awaken an interest in the values of solidarity, equality and
justice in the workplace, all of which are still so pertinent to
trade-union members today. James Connolly's active role in the
formation of the Scottish and American Trade Union Movements and the
spread of the Irish Diaspora enhance the international appeal of the
film.

The thrust of the film is to look at James Connolly, the family man
behind the revolutionary. The film looks at his life through the eyes
of his daughter Nora and wife Lillie and it explores Connolly's
feminism, a factor that attracted so many women to the cause of
labour.

The Connolly film that we want to make cannot realistically be made
without the support of the Trade Union Membership in Ireland, in
Britain and in the United States. The Foundation is being promoted in
London, Liverpool, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Belfast, New York and Troy and
other cities associated with Connolly's life and work. We would also
ask you to involve your full membership by requesting their direct
support in supporting the film production. The Foundation has set a
minimum target of achieving 12.5% of the overall budget.

We are asking national trade unions to become associates or patrons of
the James Connolly Foundation by making a donation. Details of how to
make donations are attached. Smaller donations may also be made by
union branches, stewards' committees, or individuals.

Any profits resulting from the film will be dedicated to the
Foundation's educational work in Ireland and internationally.

Rascal Films and the Trustees of the Foundation would be delighted to
meet with you to discuss the project or to make a presentation to your
Executive Committee. We enclose a Connolly brochure for your perusal
and look forward to hearing from you soon.

Rascal Films: Tom Stokes and Frank Allen.

'A new film about the life and times of James Connolly, seen through
the eyes of his daughter Nora, offers the prospect of restating the
values and aspirations of the labour movement in a manner both
understandable and accessible to the younger generation.' - Dave Begg,
General Secretary of The Irish Congress of Trade Unions.

*******

WHAT'S ON

*

Every Wednesday 1pm to 2 pm

Lunchtime political discussion on the issues of the day in 392 Falls
Road, Belfast. Telephone 028-9032-1024. Wednesday June 29th - Loyal
Order Parades - What Should be the Republican Socialist Response?
Comrades and friends welcome

*

Camp Havana Glencolmcille

From Friday 16th to Sunday 18th September 2005 over 100 men, women and
children from every corner of this island - and indeed from much
further away - will gather in Glencolmcille / Donegal. They will
come in busses, by car, bicycle or on foot.

They will erect CAMP HAVANA and walk to the top of Slieve League.
Some will take the challenging hike across the whole ridge,
accompanied by a trained mountain guide. Some will use a more relaxed
walking route and some will only go as far as the bus can take them.
All of them will enjoy Europe's highest sea - cliffs which are
surrounded by scenery incomparable to anywhere else on this earth.
Of course we are not just gathering to admire spectacular scenery. We
will get together in what is going to be the biggest show of
friendship with people from another island, Cuba, ever to happen on
these shores.

We are making this effort mainly because five young men are serving
lengthy prison sentences in the USA, guilty of nothing but the attempt
to stop terrorism; murderous and destructive acts which have killed
over 3,500 civilians in Cuba - more than the troubles in Northern
Ireland.

These men went to Miami to try and stop the people who orchestrate
this terrorism and ended up in US prisons. They have spent months in
isolation cells; their wives, kids and relations have been denied
visits.

The Miami 5 are victims of one of the most brutal human rights
violations in recent history, victims of breaches of both
international and US law.

We want freedom for these innocent men!

With our sponsored mountain walk and the large meeting / concert on
the evening of Saturday September 17th we will achieve;
- Massive publicity and increased awareness about the case.
- Pressure on political representatives (TDs, MPs, MEPs) to act
as opposed to talk.
- Raising of much needed financial support for the campaign and for
another urgent aid project in Cuba
- Pushing forward the world-wide campaign to free the Miami 5
and strengthen the links between campaigners from various countries
(At this very early stage we already know that there will be people
from England, the USA, Austria, Germany and Denmark coming to show
their support).

We can and we will free the Miami 5!
Nobody in this world is going to do it for us!
Lend us your support!
Join Camp Havana Glencolmcille 2005!
Get in touch with us now!

On behalf of the organisers of Camp Havana
Yours fraternally
Hermann Glaser-Baur

Phone us at: 028 77742655 (from Republic of Ireland: 04877742655)
E-mail: yohoocamphavanaglen@yahoo.ie

*

*******

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*

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