(Web site http://www.theplough.netfirms.com/)
Vol. 4- No 20
Friday 7th September 2007
E-mail newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party
2) Party conference
3) Alternative Processes
4) MI5 moves in permanently
5) Mickey Devine Commemoration 2007
6) Which Hat For Which Party?
i. Repatriate Noel Maguire
ii. 30%Wage cuts!
8) From the newspapers
a. ‘Brute force’ or the more things change!
b. Life since Troubles 'got worse'
c. 'Unethical practices' at Guantanamo Bay
We are saddened to hear of the death of John Kelly, a life long republican who spent over 15 years in jail for his political activities. John was a principled man, seemingly a rare thing now in Irish politics. With the split in 69 John helped found the provisional movement but left when he could no longer take the many twists and turns of its leadership. During the arms trial he said summing up the mood of most northern nationalists in 69,
“We did not ask for blankets or feeding bottles. We asked for guns and no one from Taoiseach Lynch down denied our request or told us this was contary to Government policy.”
Irish republicanism is the poorer for his passing.
The IRSP held an All – Party Conference recently to update the membership on the progress made by the Ard-Comhairle since its election last year. Details of new structures were given to the membership and the progress made in implementing party decisions. All sessions held were open to comments and questions from the Party members present. A full and frank discussion took place in all the sessions but in a comradely and fraternal manner. An open debate took place in the afternoon session on the recent united Wolfe Tone march at Bodenstown and there was widespread agreement on the party’s position towards “republican unity”. Also all comrades were updated on the progress made by the Committee organising this year’s Seamus Costello Commemoration and Dinner in Bray.
All comrades left the conference re-energised and totally committed to the tasks ahead.
(Recently on the 18th of August the YRSM held a meeting on alternative processes to the Good Friday Agreement. The Republican Socialist Youth Movement over the the past year has been attempting to reach out to all Socialist, Republican and progressive organisations and individuals. One tenet of this outreach has been a debate on the Good Friday Agreement and whether or not it can attain the goals of a united Socialist Ireland.
After months of work this culminated in a debate held in Belfast on the Good Friday Agreement. The debate was attended by SDLP Youth, Labour Youth, Eirigi and the RSYM, though invitations had been extended to all Republican and Socialist youth organisations.
The central theme of the debate for those opposed to the Good Friday
Agreement was that there contains no mechanism within for Irish unity, never mind Socialism. It has proven to be a political cul de sac far, from ending sectarianism, sectarianism has actually increased in the period following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement.
It was also affirmed Stormont has no power to call for a referendum on Irish unity, it can only make recommendation to Westminster. There are obstacles in the way before that point is ever reached, if ever. Namely, the Unionists have a veto enshrined within the Good Friday Agreement and the fact there is no definition of the majority that would need to be attained. A follow up meeting will hopefully be called in the near future to discuss how to bring the issues discussed at the 'Alternative Processes' meeting forward.
THE YRSM POSITION
Hopefully this small step in debating and analysing the present situation here will have repercussions beyond this room. With that in mind, I’ll briefly surmise the politics of the Republican Socialist Youth Movement. It is our view that Republicanism had suffered a staggering defeat. The blame lies not with Adams or McGuinness but at the door of the British government. From early on, the British government were very aware of their role in Ireland and what was necessary to reach an agreement, which would solidify Stormont at a later date. As early as 1972, the British government had reached a consensus that they would need individuals prominent within Sinn Féin today to be part of this internal settlement and to work it but individuals whom the British considered “inflexible” such as Daithí Ó Conaill and Ruairí Ó Bradaigh would have to be marginalised.
The Good Friday Agreement is an internal and colonial settlement to the constitutional question here in Ireland. It is a sectarian agreement that institutionalises and has heightened sectarianism. This is illustrated by the fact there are more ‘peace walls’ at present than prior to the agreement. It was presented to Loyalists as a strengthening of the union and to Republicans as a stepping stone to a united Ireland. The former is certainly true - the GFA enshrines the Unionist veto and contains no mechanism for the attainment of a united Ireland.
It is our belief and our desire that this setback can be overcome. It is very clear that Sinn Féin wish to satisfy the broad nationalist electorate. They have embarked on this process by successfully emulating the politics of the SDLP. However, any Republican position we put forward at this time should be on a clear, open and honest political basis. It is our opinion there are no conditions for armed struggle at present. Likewise, no basis exists at present for decommissioning - as long as the state retains their army, we republicans will have ours too.
The premise that the present political process will persuade Unionists of the virtues of a united Ireland is largely based upon a falsehood. The Unionist outreach we see at the moment is an appeal to the most reactionary sections of Unionism, it has been tried before by Michael Collins when he was TD for Armagh and failed miserably. It is no surprise that the DUP can go into government easily with Sinn Féin for when the national question is taken out of the equation it’s very clear that there are no fundamental economic differences in Sinn Féin and DUP policy.
Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, sectarian incidents have increased significantly with academic research coming from Queens University and elsewhere suggesting that it could be as far away as 2030 before any meaningful change develops concerning the segregation of working class communities - this is a far cry from ‘a united Ireland by 2016’. It is true that we can’t bomb and shoot our way into a united Ireland. Certainly in the case of the RSM, that wouldn’t be our intention.
It was often asked during the policing debates for Republicans to outline their alternative. We did so but the resounding attitude and subsequent raising of the same question can only be considered to be carefully choreographed act aimed at suggesting that we lack any real politics. The alternative is very simple. Policing is inherently political. The duty of any police force is to uphold the capitalist state and the right of private property. No Republican or Socialist worthy of the name can accept a police force of that nature. We believe that the state should continue to be resisted. Capitalism and partition can offer no solution to the plight of ordinary working class people.
Republican Socialist Youth Movement.
MI5 moves in permanently
MI5 operatives have started moving into their brand new regional headquarters costing at least £20 millions at Maryfield, near Holywood. It is MI5's biggest facility outside of London and can employ up to 400 operatives on its premises.. MI5 now have overall responsibility for British national security in the North and will take the lead in what it calls “counter-terrorist activity” (read anti –imperialist resistance ) and
Intelligence gathering. The loss of intelligence gathering by the Special Branch, (PSNI/RUC) was hailed as a victory, by Sinn Fein (Provisional Wing) but they neglected to mention MI5’S new powers. This is similar to the way they crowed about the closing down of interrogation centres such as at Castlereagh but failed to disclose the building of a new interrogation centre at Antrim, the existence of which was first exposed by the IRSP
Micky Devine Commemoration 2007
(Over 500 people attended the commemoration in Derry of INLA Volunteer Micky Devine. 26 years since his death the people of Derry turned out in great numbers to remember one of their bravest sons. A masked INLA Colour Party led the march from Creggan Shops. This was followed by relatives of Micky Devine carrying wreaths. They in turn were followed by the newly formed Derry based Seamus Costello Memorial Flute Band. The oration was delivered by Gerard Forward of the Ard Comhairle of the IRSP.)
Friends and comrades,
I am delighted to be given the honour to be here today, to remember with you, the heroic sacrifice of INLA Volunteer Michael Devine.
I didn’t know him but I have grown up in very difficult times. So did Micky. Micky was only a teenager when the RUC batoned civil rights protesters off the streets of this city in 1968. He was there on Duke Street on that day, 5th October and witnessed at first hand the brutality of the Unionist ruling classes against the working class people of Derry. He was there also on Bloody Sunday and again witnessed a more horrific event unfold when the British Army ran amok through the Bogside killing fourteen of his friends and neighbours. He later wrote from his cell in Long Kesh about how that day changed him forever.
He became aware that the only way the Irish working class was to be freed was when the British got out of Ireland and it was to this end that he dedicated the rest of his short life.
But Micky also knew that just getting rid of the Brits was never going to be enough. For he was a socialist as well as a republican and held deepwithin him a desire for justice. It was with these beliefs that Micky chose to join the Republican Socialist Movement. He became involved in the military effort as well as the political work. He was a model revolutionary who never shirked from his commitment.
These past few months have seen great changes on the political landscape of the north. Sinn Fein now sit on the Stormont executive that they once proclaimed should be smashed. They now advocate support for the Police Service of Northern Ireland when in reality nothing has changed within that force since the days of the RUC. The Irish Republican Socialist Movement reject this path wholeheartedly.
Despite massive media and political pressure to do so, we, the Irish
Republican Socialist Movement will never accept an internal six county settlement. Too many lives were lost fighting for the republic, too many families denied fathers, mothers, sons and daughters. We are not saying
this is an easy road to take, in fact to the contrary this is a more difficult course of action. Republicanism is nowhere near the strength it
was when Micky and his nine brave comrades died in Long kesh but recently there has been a renewed confidence and hope.
We are proud to have once held within our ranks the likes of Micky Devine. We are still inspired by his resolve to not suffer defeat. Because no matter what the Brits threw at Micky he was never defeated. He grew stronger and rose above their pettiness. Comrades, it is our task today to leave this cemetery and further the work that Micky began when he became actively involved in politics as a teenager in the 1960’s and 70’s. Follow Micky’s example and carry on the struggle for our communities, get involved in campaigns locally to better the lives of your neighbours, fight the water tax, join the fight to get Raytheon out of Derry, fight for better working conditions and fight for the political prisoners in Maghaberry who are suffering terrible conditions as we speak.
Comrades there is a lot of work to be done and there no easy way forward but rest assured that if we all follow the ideals of Micky Devine then that task becomes all the more easier.
Victory to the Irish Working Class!
WHICH HAT FOR WHICH PARTY?
On the 23rd August 2007, along with another comrade, I attended the Coiste na nlarchimi, Scoil Samhraidh/ Summer School in South Armagh. The school ran from 22nd August to the 24th August, both dates inclusive, but it was the session on the morning of the 23rd which was to be of paramount interest to myself. The title was; The Cause of Labour: Irish Republicanism and the Workers Struggle which was followed in the afternoon by an equally interesting debate on Irish Republicanism and Women’s Struggle. For the reasons outlined below it is the morning session which I shall focus on.
Sinn Fein (Provisional) had a sizable presence and I was interested to hear what their members who are also trade union representatives had to say. It came as no surprise that a number of trade union representatives present were also members of Sinn Fein and, I might add, very able trade unionists at that is how they came across. Given Sinn Fein’s broad church and cross class alliance membership it came as no surprise that some of their leftwards thinkers would also be involved in the ranks of organised labour. As is customary at these events when the speakers had finished the meeting was open to the floor for questions and contributions which were very broad and deep in their nature making for an intense and healthy debate.
As is often the case with these events it was only on the drive back to Dublin that a number of very prudent points crossed my mind. Even though I had contributed to the debate I only was wishing that these issues which had now come to mind had surfaced in the meeting hall. Within the ranks of Sinn Fein there is a left and right wing, for the want of a better description, with the left taking up positions within the trade union movement. However their non left wing and right wing membership also hold positions totally opposite in their interests to organised labour. Some are small to medium sized employers and others hold managerial roles in larger companies. What then if a scenario arose, which is certainly possible, where a dispute flared up at a company where the trade union representatives were also Sinn Fein members and activists and, low and behold, so are those representing the interests of the company. Where does this leave the two opposing ideals? Equally which side does Sinn Fein as a party take given the fact that they often champion the cause of labour? What if the company in question was a contributor to the party’s war chest? Equally poignant what if the industrial combatants were members of the same Cumann or Cumainn? Which hat would either side wear? Would those representing the interests of big business, including profits, decide that in line with what the party claims to be policy they would back the workers as opposed to the interests of the company they serve? Or would the trade union side try to persuade the workers to water down their demands and go back to work? What if the action the workers were taking was to escalate into strike action and the employers decided to take disciplinary action against the strikers and expecting all levels of management, Sinn Fein members or otherwise, to implement this disciplinary code? What would the consequences of such a scenario, especially if it was on a large scale, hold for Sinn Fein? Would the left wing stand firm and support without reservations the workforce? Would the right wing, or those involved remembering this is only a scenario though a possibility, forget the interests of the company for the sake of party unity? What would Sinn Fein’s policy be if the company in dispute with its workforce was a major contributor to the party? An interesting scenario to say the least.
Perhaps the Olive branch of an answer could be found in a situation Christy McQuillan, SIPTU, found himself in at Dublin Airport not, I must add, to do with the dual interests outlined above. He referred to a potential dispute involving baggage handlers which he was representative of. The upshot of the case was that Aer Lingus management were asking the staff to move locations where they would be working. The baggage handlers wanted more money for this alteration, the company refused and the union was called in. To cut a long story short he looked at the employees’ case and concluded that they did not have a case because the new work they would be doing was “easier” than what they were previously engaged in, the working environment was safer and cleaner and conditions were generally better all round. Christy concluded that it is not always the case where the workers are right and the bosses wrong. He persuaded the workers involved that their arguments for more money carrying out easier work were unreasonable. I would personally differ but that is another matter.
Back then to the nightmare scenario for the Sinn Fein union representatives and members of management. Could they, union reps and management, transfer Christy McQuillans notion that the workers are not always “right” and sometimes have to be told so and, using this theory, concoct a deal which would make the workers demands look unreasonable while at the same time squeezing a few minor concessions out of the company? This way, providing the illusion had been drawn behind closed doors, it could be painted as a partial victory for the workers without, in reality, costing the firm anything of consequence. This way again party unity could be maintained with the left claiming, tongue in cheek, to have stood by the workforce and the right wing could sit smug knowing they had conceded nothing. Could such a scenario, if it ever arose, be a case, yet again, of labour must wait in favour of national and class unity?
Repatriate Noel Maguire
We are urging everyone, friends, members and concerned individuals to assist in our efforts to continue the pressure on the 26 County Government to Repatriate Noel Maguire from England to jails in the 26 counties as is his right. The names and addresses and sample letter is below so you can use the sample letter provided, reword it or write your own.Write or e-mail to
Minister for Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform
Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform
94 St. Stephen's Green
Phone: + 353 1 602-8202
Email : email@example.com
Laurel Lodge Shopping Centre
Phone: + 353 1 822-0970
Addresses to send letters to Contact in USA
EMBASSY OF IRELAND, WASHINGTON DC
Embassy of Ireland
2234 Massachusetts Ave. NW
Washington, DC 20008
TELEPHONE: (202) 462 3939 FAX: (202) 232 5993
CONSULATE GENERAL, NEW YORK
Consulate General of Ireland
345 Park Avenue
New York NY 10154-0037
General Information - (212) 319 2555 FAX: Consulate : - (212) 980 9475 E- MAIL: congenny@AOL.com
CONSULATE GENERAL, CHICAGO
Consulate General of Ireland
400 N. Michigan Avenue, Suite 911
Chicago, IL 60611
TELEPHONE: (312) 337.1868 FAX: (312) 337 1954 E- MAIL: firstname.lastname@example.org
CONSULATE GENERAL, SAN FRANCISCO
Consulate General of Ireland
100 Pine St., 33rd Floor
San Francisco, CA 94111
TELEPHONE: (415) 392 4214 FAX: (415) 392 0885 E- MAIL: email@example.com
CONSULATE GENERAL OF IRELAND, BOSTON
Consulate General of Ireland
535 Boylston Street
Boston, MA 02116
TELEPHONE (617) 267 9330 FAX: (617) 267 6375 E- MAIL: firstname.lastname@example.org
I write to you on behalf of the Noel Maguire as it concerns his repatriation back to Ireland from a British jail and your refusal to accept Noels application thus seemingly stripping him of his Irish Citizenship and the civil rights that are associated with it.
It is unconscionable that the Irish government continues to refuse to repatriate Noel. It is claimed that he has no close relatives living in the 26 counties, this is untrue as Noel's wife and their two children in fact live within an hour’s drive of Portlaoise Prison in Co Laois and are willing to visit him should he be repatriated. He also has two sisters and a brother in Ireland.
Noel Maguire - who is from Co Fermanagh but hold a valid 26 County passport more than qualifies for repatriation on the grounds of the European Directive as an Irish National.
His mental and physical health must be close to breaking point with the way he is being unfairly treated these continued delays which are tantamount to psychological torture.
On humanitarian grounds I ask that the decision to refuse repatriation be reconsidered and he can return home to serve his sentence and be closer to his family.
Please act now!
From: Eric Lee [mailto:email@example.com]
This week's message is going to be very brief and to the point.
Workers employed in care homes in north London (UK) have been told by their employer -- a private company called Fremantle -- that their wages are being cut by 30%, their hours are being increased, their sick pay will be a thing of the past, and their pensions are being reduced.
Their union, Unison, is calling for an international campaign of support for those workers.
I actually live in north London, so this campaign is taking place in my own neighborhood.
If you live in the UK, you should be concerned that privatized care homes are treating their workers this way. If you live anywhere in the world and work in the public sector, you should be concerned because this could happen to you next. It will take you only a few seconds to fill in your name and email address and to send a strong message to the chief executive of Fremantle. If we all take the time to do this, we can flood her inbox today with thousands of messages from all over the world -- and we can turn this around. I know that I can count on you.
Please visit our campaign page now. And please do pass this message on. Thanks.
To mark the anniversary of the execution of Belfast Volunteer Tom Williams in September 1942, the Irish Republican History Museum are hosting an exhibition of material relating to the arrest, of six men and two women at Easter 1942, their trial and the execution of Tom Williams in Crumlin Road Jail on 2nd September 1942.
Centerpiece of the exhibition will be the shirt worn by Tom Williams on the day he was shot and arrested. This has been lent to the museum by the Cahill family Belfast.
The exhibition will run throughout the month of September. Opening times ar Tuesday - Saturday 10am - 2pm.
From the newspapers
‘Brute force’ or the more things change!
The PSNI have been accused of acting ‘in a brutal manner’ during an incident in Cornshell Fields in the early hours of Saturday morning when three men, one of them suffering from cerebral palsy, were arrested. The Sunday was inundated with calls yesterday from people in the area who said that they could see no reason for the heavy -handed police presence and the subsequent events.
The mother and wife of those arrested told the Sunday her account of what happened: “The police arrived at our door and they claimed they had received an allegation against my son. Now they did not ask him about this allegation or give him a chance to give his side of the story.
“Before I had a chance to open the door when they knocked they came in and they were very hyper and aggressive. They were shouting and pushed one of my sons up against the wall. My other son, the one they wanted to talk to was in the toilet, and I told them that but they continued to behave very aggressively. When my son appeared they grabbed him, pulled him out to the garden and banged his head of a fence. My husband came down the stairs and went out to see what was happening and they grabbed him as well.
“My other son, who suffers from cerebral palsy was then grabbed and they hit him across the back and they arrested him. I had to dive and try and protect my other son. It was absolutely disgusting the way the police behaved.
“After a couple of hours they brought my son with cerebral palsy back and they acted as if they were doing me a favour. He has been very upset since then and can’t understand what is happening.”
Another resident of Cornshell Fields resident told the Sunday: “I couldn’t believe the noise the police were making. They arrived and sat outside the house for 45 minutes and then they started bringing people out of the house.
“I saw them bringing one man out and shoving him into the car and then a female police officer started shouting abuse at him when he was in the car.
“I saw them bringing a second fellah out to the car and he didn’t really seem to be offering any kind of resistance. At this point one of the police men said to another ‘give me my baton,’ while he had the fellah at the back of the car.
“At this point landrovers arrived and it was just complete chaos. The police seemed to have no respect for anyone else in the area. It seems ridiculous that police would send so many officers to the one scene when there was very little trouble to begin with.”
Another resident said: “I have tried to call the police in the past over serious incidents and couldn’t get one but there seemed to be no shortage here for what did not look like a serious incident.”
A spokesperson for the 32 County Sovereignty Movement said: “After a recent incident with a former councillor politicians and clergy fell over themselves to condemn it yet after an incident like this their silence is deafening.”
A police spokesperson said: “Police were responding to a call from a member of the public. They were confronted with a violent and aggressive situation. Three men, aged 28, 29 and 53 were arrested for disorderly behaviour and assault on police.” Police confirmed that one of the men was later ‘dearrested’ due to his mental condition, this is believed to refer to the man suffering from cerebral palsy.
Life since Troubles 'got worse'
Many residents of an area badly hit by the Troubles feel life has got worse since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, a new study suggests.
The survey of mental health needs in Whiterock, west Belfast, was carried out by an academic specialising in international post-conflict issues.
Half of the households questioned felt community bonds were now weaker.
Two-thirds felt stress because of where they live, although many did acknowlege the peace process had brought benefits.
The survey, by Dr David Connolly of the University of York, found long-term deprivation and the legacy of the Troubles were two root causes of trauma in the area.
Other common concerns were recent feud violence in the area, widespread fear of crime and rapid social changes since the end of the conflict.
The study suggests mental health problems in the area go beyond the individual, affecting families and entire communities.
It was commissioned by Corpus Christi Services, a community group based in the area.
Story from BBC NEWS:
'Unethical practices' at Guantanamo Bay
More than 260 doctors from around the world have launched an unprecedented attack on the American medical establishment for its failure to condemn unethical practices by medical practitioners at the Guantanamo Bay prison camp in Cuba.
In a letter to The Lancet, the doctors from 16 countries, including Britain and America, say the failure of the US regulatory authorities to act is "damaging the reputation of US military medicine".
They compare the actions of the military doctors, whom they accuse of being involved in the force-feeding of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay and of turning a blind eye to evidence of torture in Iraq and elsewhere, to those of the South African security police involved in the death of the anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko 30 years ago.
The group highlighted the force-feeding of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay last year and suggested the physicians involved should be referred to their professional bodies for breaching internationally accepted ethical guidelines. The doctors wrote: "No healthcare worker in the War on Terror has been charged or convicted of any significant offence despite numerous instances documented including fraudulent record-keeping on detainees who have died as a result of failed interrogations ... The attitude of the US military establishment appears to be one of 'See no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil'."
The US introduced the policy of force-feeding, in which prisoners are strapped to a chair and a tube is forced down the throat into the stomach, after more than 100 prisoners went on hunger strike in 2005.
"Fundamental to doctors' responsibilities in attending a hunger striker is the recognition that prisoners have a right to refuse treatment," the doctors wrote.
After last year's protest, David Nicholl, consultant neurologist at City Hospital Birmingham, who led the protest, lodged formal complaints with two medical boards, in California and Georgia in the United States. He also lodged a complaint with the American Medical Association, of which John Edmondson, the former hospital commander at Guantanamo Bay, was a member.
Writing in today's Lancet, Dr Nicholl and his co-signatories, say: "After 18 months there had been no reply from the AMA, the Californian authorities stated that they 'do not have the jurisdiction to investigate incidents that occurred on a federal facility/military base', and the authorities in Georgia stated that the 'complaint was thoroughly investigated', but 'the Board concluded that there was not sufficient evidence to support prosecution'."
When the same complaint was considered by the Royal College of Physicians in the UK, the college concluded: "In England, this would be a criminal act."
Dr Nicholl said it was "vitally important" that doctors independent of the US military were allowed to investigate the care of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay and the deaths of detainees (there were three reported suicides in June 2006). But a British Medical Association request to send a delegation of doctors to the prison camp had been refused by the UK Government.
By Jeremy Laurance, Health Editor
Published: The Independent 07 September 2007
Thurs 13th September at 1pm
Don't Review Water Charges - SCRAP THEM!
Outside 'Independent' Water Review Panel offices, Calvert House, Castle Place, Belfast
Called by the We Won't Pay Campaign
A solidarity protest has been arranged for those who can't make it to Rossport on Friday, Sept 14.
The details are:
Andersonstown Shell Station
Friday, September 14 @ 5PM
Spread the Word
Official Irish Republicanism, 1962 to 1972
by Sean Swan
A history of the Official Irish Republican movement, from the IRA‚s 1962 ceasefire to the Official IRA‚s permanent ceasefire in 1972. The civil rights movement, the outbreak of violence in August 1969, the links with the communist party, the Official IRA‚s campaign, the ceasefire, and later developments towards ŒSinn Fein the Workers‚ Party‚, are explored. "This book is the first in-depth study of this crucial period in the history of Irish republicanism. Using his unprecedented access to the internal documents of the movement and interviews with key participants Swan‚s work will transform our understanding of this transformative period in the history of the movement.", Henry Patterson, Author of 'The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA' and 'Ireland Since 1939'. "There is much fascinating material ∑ and also much good sense.", Richard English, Author of 'Armed Struggle, A History of the IRA' and 'Radicals and the Republic: Socialist Republicanism in the Irish Free State'.
Printed: 420 pages, 6" x 9", perfect binding, black and white interior ink
Rights Owner: Sean Swan
Copyright: © 2007 Sean Swan Standard Copyright License
Country: United States
Edition: Paperback Edition
International Brigade Memorial Trust
Annual general meeting
Belfast, 12–14 October 2007
Friday 12 October
Reception and exhibition, Linen Hall Library; welcome by John Gray, Ciarán Crossey, and Peter Bunting (Irish Congress of Trade Unions)
Saturday 13 October
Unveiling of the memorial in Belfast
Introduced by Kevin Doherty, Bob Doyle, and Margaret Ritchie (Minister for Social Development)*
Civic reception and public meeting, Grosvenor Hall, opened by Councillor Jim Rodgers, Lord Mayor of Belfast, with the participation of Hazelwood College Choir. Guest speakers: Jack Jones; Amaya Ruiz Ibárruri (daughter of Dolores Ibárruri, La Pasionaria)*
Closing: Patricia McKeown (Irish Congress of Trade Unions)*
Annual general meeting of International Brigade Memorial Trust
Dinner, Grosvenor Hall
Social event, Europa Hotel. Musicians and entertainers, including Brenda O’Riordan, Mel Corry and Pól Mac Adaim, Tommy Sands, Paul (the Brother) McGuire, Gerry Jones ands friends.
Sunday 14 October
Bus tour of historic Belfast or film, To Die in Madrid, John Hewitt Bar and Restaurant
Lunch, John Hewitt bar and restaurant, with local politicians and trade union and community activists. Booking essential.
Close of the event
*To be confirmed.
During October there will be an exhibition of original material, letters, newspapers and photographs in the Linen Hall Library.
Changes may occur in the programme. However, all venues are firmly booked. Day’s Hotel is holding forty rooms for those who want to stay; phone (028) 90242494, e-mail firstname.lastname@example.org, fax (028) 90242495; postal payment by cheque to Day’s Hotel, 40 Hope Street, Belfast BT12 5EE, and please quote the reference BTAGM when booking.
For further information about the AGM contact Lynda Walker, 077 51951785 or email@example.com
For the International Brigades Commemoration Committee contact Kevin Doherty, 077 48148863, or Ciarán Crossey, 077 59393607.
For accompodation and travel information contact the Welcome Centre, 47 Donegall Place, phone (028) 90246609, e-mail firstname.lastname@example.org.