Wednesday 24 October 2007

The Plough Vol 04 No 23

The Plough
(Web site
Vol. 4- No 23
Wednesday 24th October 2007
E-mail newsletter of the Irish Republican Socialist Party

1) Editorial

2) The five "engines" for Socialism: meetings in support of the Venezuelan Revolution in Ireland

3) New EU Treaty

4) Letters

5) Media
a. Policing-physically and spiritually

6) Joe Hill

7) What’s On?


Tasks of the day?
Recent revelations that police intelligence files have gone missing so that the Police Ombudsman, Nuala O’Loan could not access them should surprise no one. Have not the RUC and now the PSNI always done that? Despite their acceptance by the bourgeois parties on the nationalist side the SDLP and Sinn Fein (p) there is still widespread distrust within the broad mass of nationalist people given the appalling record of the police since the setting up of the Northern statelet in 1920.
Also the sickening chorus of comments about the funding, not of the UDA but the Conflict Transformation Initiative, and the widespread reaction of the gleeful middle classes to the proposed withdrawal of funds shows up the hypocrisy of the politicians. Of course it may be technically against equality laws to direct funds specifically towards protestant working class districts but that never stopped the British government from directing funding towards working class catholic districts in a clear bid to buy these areas into the peace process. There never was reluctance by the British to bribe blackmail, or if all else fails assassinate those who pose a threat to British imperial interests.

Deprivation in working class areas transcends religion. Is it not ironic to hear protestant /unionist British politicians suddenly discovering protestant areas of deprivation. These same politicians ignored the conditions in working class areas for decades. Unionists controlled the north for 50 years and backed by the British discriminated against the nationalist population, ignored the social and economic conditions of the working class and then beat the big drum and waved the Union Jack to get the mass of protestant workers to back unionism when the need arose.

But it is not enough for republicans and socialists to simply sit back and make valid critiques of the current processes. Nor to simply raise “trouble” related issues such as policing or victims or the activities of M15. It is only by combining the class and the national questions and all the matters relating there to that we become relevant.

Too many think that they alone have the only correct road map to their republic or their socialist republic. For example for differing reasons both Republican Sinn Fein and the Socialist Workers Party will have little to do with the IRSP. Both Parties tend to have an absolutist view of the world even tho’ there are many good republicans and socialists within their ranks. (We have reprinted Socialism, The Highest Stage of Democracy and Republicanism from Critical Montages which poses some pertinent questions for those of us on the left)

Theory without practice simply leads to stagnation. Those who simply repeat the slogans of yesteryear without actually taking into account present day conditions will only repeat the mistakes of the past. Despite anonymous criticisms on the Internet The Plough makes no apology for its criticism of those republicans who think they can re-create Provo mark 2. The absence of republicanism from the every day struggles of working class people is a reflection not on the workers but on republicanism itself. We have said it before and we repeat it now until republicanism takes the lead in the every day struggles of the working class (and that is why the IRSP exist) it will remain elitist impotent and irrelevant.
But while we have our long-term goal the issue arises what are our short-term goals. What are the current tasks of the day? The Plough would argue that apart from the usual party building programme our wider strategic goal should be
1) The building up in the north an alliance of all radical forces to oppose the policies of the current power sharing administration which is dedicated to imposing a wide range of neo conservative policies including the privitisation of public resources; and
2) The re-energising of radical republicanism by a clear consistent programme of policies and actions that re-establishes places Irish Republicanism as an internationalist radical outlook and which puts imperialism and bourgeois nationalism on the defensive.
To achieve these goals will require a huge collective effort.


Socialism, The Highest Stage of Democracy and Republicanism

There is a tendency, found among secular leftists as well as liberals, to take a conspiracist view of the emergence of "Political Islam": the empire, its comprador ruling classes, or both implanted it among the innocent masses who were previously "just Muslims," just like that. That is a simplistic view. Islam as a mass political movement cannot be implanted from outside, just as socialism as a mass political movement cannot be implanted from outside. The ruling classes, foreign or domestic, can only help develop and deform what already exists among the masses, just as socialists can only help develop, reform, and revolutionize what already exists among them.

A conspiracist view of "Political Islam" slights empirical examinations of political and economic, social and cultural, conditions of working people who consent to it and make it their own. This neglect does not help secular leftists at all in any approach they may take toward any variety of Islam, in giving critical support to it, as the Lebanese Communists have been doing for Hizballah for instance, or in combating voluntarist and adventurist terrorist sects of Al Qaeda varieties as they must be, or in dealing with anything else (like the AKP, the Muslim Brotherhood, etc.) in any way.

Secular leftists must come to terms with a fact: varieties of Islam are an essential part of the culture of the national-popular masses of many nations, especially those who are the most crucial to the Great Game of the 21st century (an energy hunt in the context of the declining dollar hegemony), just as varieties of Christianity are in Latin America. And within the same religious worldviews of the masses there exist seeds of both liberation and reaction. When organic intellectuals on the Left, secular or religious, who are "conscious of being linked organically to a national-popular mass" fail to arise and create a national-popular ideology that does justice to the seeds of liberation in the religious consciousness of the masses, the ruling classes takes advantage of the seeds of reaction in the very same consciousness.

Secular leftists must learn to discard the illusion that religious working masses must be first secularized, and then and only then they will be receptive to the radical idea of revolution. Those who are tempted by this illusion need only look at Japan: the working class of Japan are perhaps the most secularized in the world, and yet they are also among the least revolutionary, as they have been for a long time.

History shows that authentic social revolution may come about through a secular ideology (France), a religious ideology (Iran), or a creative combination of both (Venezuela). Experiences of authentic social revolutions, whether they are religious or secular, Jacobin or Bolivarian, are more important in schooling masses in democracy and republicanism than authoritarian secularism imposed from above by enlightened despots (whether they are nationalists or socialists) or secularization molecularly effected by consumerist capitalism (the former tends to first pacify the masses and then eventually invite reaction when enlightened despotism degenerates into mere despotism, and the latter depoliticizes people and makes them passive more than any other ideology, religious or secular). And it is democracy and republicanism that we should aim for -- after all, what is socialism but the highest stage of democracy and republicanism?

Reprinted from "Critical Montages" -

The five "engines" for Socialism: meetings in support of the Venezuelan Revolution in Ireland

Hands off Venezuela, in co-operation with the Venezuela Support Group and the James Connolly Debating society in Belfast, organised two meetings in support of the Venezuelan Revolution in Dublin (8th October) and Belfast (10th October). The idea was also to continue with the campaign Hands off Venezuela – Ireland, already constituted after a first round of meetings held last April in two Irish Universities.

More than 35 people attended the meeting in Dublin (including activists from SIPTU and other unions, from the Connolly Youth Movement, éirígí, the Labour Youth, the CPI and others). The meeting in Belfast was hosted by the James Connolly Debating Society and had an enthusiastic audience of about 60 people from many different backgrounds.

The meetings intended to explain "the five engines for socialism"; the programme that the Venezuelan government will try to implement in the next future. 63 per cent of the population of Venezuela voted for that programme in the election held last December.

Carlos Fiorillo, member of the Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and Hands off Venezuela – Ireland, presented for the first time in English translation some sections of three speeches about the "5 engines" that President Hugo Chavez made between the 8 th and the 17th of January 2007. Carlos said:

"The 5 Engines is the name of the procedure that is taking place in Venezuela in order to make the transition from a capitalist state to a new socialist state on behalf of the Venezuelan people, and to nationalize the resources for the well-being of the whole country; as president Chavez promised when he won the last presidential elections on December 2006."

The first engine, Carlos went on, is the enabling law. With that law the Venezuelan government will be able to nationalize all that was privatized; the second engine is a constitutional change to allow the people of Venezuela to go towards socialism. President Hugo Chavez, according to Carlos, said that, "Venezuelans [in the election last December] voted for socialism … [Socialism] is what people want … [Socialism] is what the country needs… Venezuela is free, we are not colony of anybody."

The third engine is national education on socialist values and solidarity, and access to education for all at all levels: "study is the debate of ideas in a permanent way." The fourth engine is a new "geometry" of power, based on popular power, in order to eliminate the differences between classes and the obscene privileges of the bureaucrats and the ruling class. The fifth engine, Carlos concluded, was the "explosion" of popular, revolutionary, socialist and democratic power through the creation of communal councils and federations of communal councils.

Jorge Martin, international secretary of Hands Off Venezuela Campaign, analysed the current situation in Venezuela. The political process unfolding in Venezuela, he said, has a socialist character and is fully democratic. It is not the first time that Hugo Chavez wins an election, but this time he got 63 per cent of the votes, he said.

The problem, Jorge argued, is that the imperialist powers don't agree with the nationalisation of the basic means of production in order to satisfied the needs of the people of Venezuela; it goes against their profits. This is so even when any nationalisation and expropriation has been carried out according to law and with payment of compensation.

So, Jorge continued, the imperialists will try anything they can to get rid of Chavez and put back into power the old corrupt oligarchy. They already tried with the US-backed military coup and the bosses lock out in 2002. This shows the hypocrisy of the US and European governments when they accuse Chavez of being undemocratic.

In the meeting in Belfast some people in the audience asked what people could do in Ireland to support the people of Venezuela and to stop the imperialist intervention. In Dublin, some also expressed the need to actively support the Bolivarian movement. Jorge Martin made clear, first, that the broadest possible movement in solidarity with Venezuela should be organised in Ireland. He made an appeal to all those who agree with three basic principles, full support for the Bolivarian revolution, against imperialist intervention and counteracting the lies of the media, should join Hands Off Venezuela.

The first thing to do, he said, was to tell the youth and the workers in our communities what is really happening in Venezuela. That is the only way to counteract the lies spread in the mass media, owned by a few large corporations, about the Venezuelan government.

This could be done by organising talks and projecting documentaries in colleges and in meetings with trade unionists, by passing resolutions in trade union congresses, by getting youth organisations and trade unions to link up with our solidarity groups, etc. He underlined several times the importance of getting the support of the working class in our communities through their trade unions.

Jorge Martin suggested raising funds and getting trade unions to sponsor delegations trips of Irish workers and students to Venezuela in order to witness what is really happening in Venezuela, and reporting back in their communities, trade unions, and study places.

We would like to thank all those who made these meeting possible.
P. Bowman (Dublin)

Contact Hands Off Venezuela Ireland ) or visit our yahoo group ( ).


The Government should set up the statutory Referendum Commission well in advance of the necessary Irish referendum on the Renamed EU Constitutional Treaty, which will be agreed in principle in Portugal today, so that citizens can be properly informed before they vote on it.

The eyes of Europe - maybe even of the world - will be on Ireland when we hold our referendum on this Treaty, for we are likely to be the only one of 27 EU Member States to have a vote on it. The good functioning of the Referendum Commission is vital to Ireland being seen to have a fair and democratic referendum process.

The five-person Referendum Commission is the body provided for in the 1998 Referendum Act with the function of informing citizens what a referendum is about and encouraging maximum turnout of voters.

Calling the Referendum Commission into being should be done months before Ireland's referendum, and not just a few weeks before as previously, so that the Commission members will have enough time, first of all to inform themselves, and then the Irish voting public, on the implications of this important and complex constitutional Treaty, for this could well be the last referendum that Ireland will have on the EU.

Former Chief Justice T.A. Finlay, who chaired the Referendum Commission for the two Nice Treaty referendums, was critical of the time the Government gave it to do its job in his reports on those referendums. He was implicitly critical also of referendums on complex EU treaties being held simulataneously with other referendums on quite different matters.

The Referendum Commission is more likely to give the objective and impartial facts about this Treaty than the partisan bodies on either side, such as the political parties, the European Movement, the National Platform etc. - important and essential though their role in the referendum is.

The Referendum Commission consists of the Clerks of the Dail and Seanad, the Ombudsman, the Comptroller and Auditor General, and a senior judge who is nominated by the Government as Chairman.

Although the Government amended the Referendum Act to remove from the Referendum Commission the function of informing citizens of the main Yes-side and No-side arguments on particular referendum propositions in order to help get the Nice Treaty ratified, the Commission still retains its functions of telling citizens what particular referendums are about and encouraging maximum voter turnout. But it needs adequate time and resources to carry out these important democratic tasks. It was given €3.5 million for this purpose in the 2002 Nice Two referendum, although it could have done with extra time even then. The setting up of the Referendum Commission does not need to wait until the referendum date is decided on. The importance of the upcoming referendum is shown by the following facts about the proposed new EU Treaty: -

What the Renamed EU Constitutional Treaty would do:

1. Giving the EU a Federal State Constitution: The treaty would establish a legally new European Union, quite different from what we call the EU at present, with the constitutional form of a supranational Federal State that would be separate from and superior to its Member States, just as the USA is separate from and superior to California, Texas etc. It would do this in three key legal steps: (a) establishing a new European Union with its own legal personality and distinct corporate existence for the first time; (b) abolishing the distinction between the supranational and intergovernmental "pillars" of the two existing European Treaties, so that all powers of government can be exercised by the new Union, either actually or potentially, through a uniform constitutional structure; and (c) making us all real citizens of this new Union for the first time, rather than just notional or honorary EU "citizens" as at present, for one can only be a citizen of a State.

2. Abolishing the national veto in 68 new areas or matters: the new Treaty would introduce qualified majority voting(QMV) on the EU Council of Ministers for 68 areas or matters for the first time - 48 of these referring to new areas of EU law-making and 20 to a shift from unanimity to majority-voting for existing EU legal bases. That would remove the national veto for these 68 areas or matters. This figure of 68 compares with 46 areas or matters moved to QMV by the 2002 Treaty of Nice, 24 by the 1998 Treaty of Amsterdam, 30 by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty on European Union, 12 by the 1987 Single European Act and 38 by the original 1957 Treaty of Rome and its associated Treaties. Each of these shifts of power from the national to the supranational level entails a shift from the Legislative arm of government to the Executive arm and from elected national Parliaments and citizens to Government Ministers and senior civil servants. They hollow out our democracy further.

3. Giving more voting power to the Big States: The new Treaty would introduce a new voting system on the Council of Ministers, making population size a key criterion, which would particularly advantage big States like Germany and reduce the influence of smaller ones like Ireland.

4. Removing the right to a permanent EU Commissioner: It would remove the right of each Member State to have an EU Commissioner for two out of every three Commission terms, i.e. for five years out of every 15. Big States would lose their right to a permanent Commissioner also, but they have other means of exerting their influence on this body which proposes all EU laws. Having a permanent Commissioner has always been recognised as much more important for smaller States like Ireland.

5. Giving the EU the final power to decide our rights: The new Treaty would give the EU the final power to decide our human and civil rights in all areas of EU law, including Member States when implementing EU law, which now constitutes the greater part of our laws each year. This would make the EU Court of Justice rather than the Irish Supreme Court, or the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the final decider of our rights in many areas. The EU Court of Justice would be more remote, slower to work and more expensive for citizens to get to as they seek to establish their rights.

6. A self-amending Treaty: The new Treaty would contain a mechanism enabling qualified majority voting to be sustituted for unanimity in eight policy areas by decision of EU governments, without need for new treaties or referendums.


Anthony Coughlan

24 Crawford Avenue
Dublin 9
Tel.: 01-8305792

Thursday 18 October 2007


Dear Cdes,

I read with interest your recent criticism of my report of your ‘Alternative Processes’ meeting. I must say I am rather unhappy with a ‘cut and paste’ approach which enables the writer to ignore the majority of points I made and adopt a hostile and carping approach to my article.

The article was a critique, rather similar to an earlier critique that I made of the recent republican conference in Derry. A critique is not a criticism. Socialist Democracy are not hostile to republican regroupment and in fact we believe that a successful political regroupment would transform the situation. What we have to offer to the discussion is the observations that a new movement will have to overcome the fragmentation of the republicans, will have to have a programme of supporting the working class and exposing the contradictions in the current settlement and, above all, will have to explain the total and absolute collapse of republicanism that the current settlement represents.

Instead of a response we get an attack. More significantly, although the main agreement in the meeting was to hold further meetings, our name seems to have been left off the invitation list. When we send around notice of our own upcoming school and the opportunity for discussion that it represents the Plough, that routinely prints all that arrives, fails to print our notice nor does any member of the IRSP sign up to attend.

I note in passing that it was not I who initially objected to the SDLP and LP presence, but members of the audience. On the evidence so far, the reformist parties are to get more of a hearing than a revolutionary socialist current such as ourselves.

John McAnulty

Socialist Democracy

The Plough responds.

John doth protest too much. He actually does what he accuses “The Plough” of doing

‘cut and paste’ approach which enables the writer to ignore the majority of points I made”
He fails to acknowledge that the meeting was organised by the RYSM. He fails then to answer The Plough’s argument that

exposure to different ideas could only help clarify and lead to questioning?

Instead Comrade Mc Anulty goes off at a tangent and complains about not getting an invitation. None have as yet been sent out to The Plough’s knowledge. As regards the notice try not to be so petty. We don’t put everything we receive in because of space or because it is too far away from publication time. Anyway see below.

Please find a link to an inspiring story of bravery from a young Church of Ireland Priest:

Rev Bob was fighting the Fascist scum in Spain whilst the Bishops were blessing the brown shirts who fought for Franco, Hitler and Musollini.

The bravery of the International Volunteers will never be forgotten.
The fight continues.


WRA is a human rights organisation which specialises in fighting for Cymric freedom, works on behalf of those colonised and condemned for their republican beliefs and promotes liberty for all the people of Cymru/Wales.

From the Media

Policing-physically and spiritually

Below we reprint an article on the idea of Roman Catholic priests accompanying the local PSNI when they go on patrols in Strabane. One’s initial reaction was one of total disbelief in this lunatic scheme. But then on reflection its not so crazy after all. Both clergy and police have a policing role over the working class-the PSNI contol them physically and the clergy try to control their minds. Two sides of the same coin !!

ONE Strabane community activist has his own take on the ‘Faith in Policing’ initiative – it’s a propaganda stunt by the PSNI, he says.

Paul Gallagher said he would have serious concerns if local clergy were to go out on patrol with the PSNI. He is adamant that the independence of the clergy will be muddied if they were to take up the offer of going on the beat with the PSNI.

“The clergy would lose their independence. Is it going to be the case where people who confess in a confessional box in a local Church to a local priest will then be afraid of being pinpointed on the street because a priest is on patrol with the PSNI.”

When pressed as to whether this was a likely scenario Mr Gallagher added, “Will the presence of the clergy be used to convince vulnerable people to make confessions to the local police?

“Once the clergy loses its independence it will succumb to the institution and all the tools that go with it, including recruiting informers.

“The question has to be why are the PSNI doing this. What’s behind this. Why? The clergy are not travelling around in ambulances and fire engines, what’s the purpose of patrolling with the PSNI.

“It’s not so long ago that the police force in Strabane would not allow local priests into a field where three young men were shot dead.

“As far as I am concerned this is nothing but propaganda by the PSNI and the using and abusing of the clergy within our community.”

Fr Declan Boland, parish priest of the Church of the Immaculate Conception, welcomed the idea as a good one, but displayed caution.

“I am totally in favour of the initiative, it’s working very well and we are enjoying a good rapport with the local police force.”

Fr Boland then spoke of his concerns on the matter.

“It is essential though that we do not get side-tracked by the ‘optional
extras’, with the key word being optional. The specifics are thus: The
clergy initially got involved so we can maintain good relationships with
the police and the local community. The idea of chaplains to the forces
has been mooted and will be looked at. What we have looked at is that, if
a member of the clergy wanted to go out on patrol with the police they
could. This is as long as it is a one-off idea. I personally would do it
again as a one off. It is not our remit to go out every night with the
police on patrol. They wouldn’t want it and neither would we. That is not
why we were ordained. I do not understand what purpose would be served by

doing this.

“What is being lost in this is the wonderful initiative that is taking place, and I am totally in favour with that. We look forward to getting involved in the local community and with the police. We need stable law and order in the town. Let not the good energy emanating from this initiative be lost. We need to have this put in perspective.”

Fr Michael Doherty, parish priest of St Marys Church, re-iterated the stance of Fr Boland.

“Of the overall project idea I would be favourable. In the context with the new atmosphere of policing in the north, part of the idea is to have clergy of any faith is to have them available to them. This is the same way as any school or hospital would have a chaplain. The other part of the idea would see the clergy as being people who could be asked about the needs of the community regards policing and to make suggestions or criticisms of the interaction between them. They are also asking local community groups in the area to help with this.”

Like Fr Boland, Fr Doherty would not endorse going ‘out on the beat’ as it were.

“There’s no question, as far as I know, of anyone from this church going out on the beat with police. I think it’s a phrase that the media have picked up on. What the idea was, if the clergy wanted to see what life was like through the various areas in Strabane on a Saturday night, they could go along in a squad car. It’s not an idea that we would be in favour of in this church. It’s only a very small part of the initiative.

“In my mind there is no question of priests being on patrol, doing traffic
duty, or anything like that. The police do patrols, firemen attend fires,
and ambulance men attend accidents. Everyone has their own role to play
Faith in Policing initiative is propaganda – claim
By Paul McElwee

by Alfred Hayes and Earl Robinson

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night,
Alive as you or me
Says I, "But Joe, you're ten years dead,"
"I never died," says he
"I never died," says he

"In Salt Lake, Joe," says I to him,
Him standing by my bed,
"They framed you on a murder charge,"
Says Joe, "But I ain't dead,"
Says Joe, "But I ain't dead."

"The copper bosses killed you, Joe,
They shot you, Joe," says I.
"Takes more than guns to kill a man,"
Says Joe, "I didn't die,"
Says Joe, "I didn't die."

And standing there as big as life
And smiling with his eyes
Joe says, "What they forgot to kill
Went on to organize,
Went on to organize."

"Joe Hill ain't dead," he says to me,
"Joe Hill ain't never died.
Where working men are out on strike
Joe Hill is at their side,
Joe Hill is at their side."

"From San Diego up to Maine,
In every mine and mill,
Where workers strike and organize,"
Says he, "You'll find Joe Hill,"
Says he, "You'll find Joe Hill."

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night,
Alive as you or me
Says I, "But Joe, you're ten years dead,"
"I never died," says he
"I never died," says he

What’s On?

Public meeting

The Irish and Basque Peace Processes. The meeting will be addressed by the invited speakers listed below giving an outline of the two peace processes from a Socialist perspective, the recurring arguments in both countries and the difficulties facing those seeking a genuine alternative.

Speakers include:

Ibon Artola San Miguel
Editor of Euskal Herria Sozialista

Gerry Ruddy
Irish Republican Socialist Party

Belfast An Culturlann, Thursday 25th October at 7.15pm.

Strabane Fir Trees Hotel, Friday 26th October at 7.00.

Derry Sandinos, Saturday 27th October at 3.00

Organised by International Left Solidarity Committee

All welcome

Socialist Democracy Weekend School
"Irish society and economy today"
Fri 26th – Sun 28th October
Co. Wicklow

The accommodation only allows for a limited number of residential places and most of these have been booked. Already we have a wide range of socialist and trade union activists registered and the discussion promises to be the most open and wide ranging debate for some considerable time, involving a very extensive spectrum of views and opinions. If you are thinking of attending please let us know immediately so that we can reserve a place for you.
Friday 7-00 – 8-00. Introduction/registration
Saturday 10-30 – 12-30. Irish society and economy (Joe Craig)
Saturday 2-30 – 4-30. The working class in Ireland today (Norman
Saturday 8-00 on… Craic agus Ceol
Sunday 10-30 – 12-30. The national question in the aftermath of the general election (Anne McShane)
The agenda has been arranged to allow time to chat, socialise and chill out. The accommodation is linked to a large country estate with river and mountain walks.
Cost €50 waged and €25 unwaged. Transport available from Belfast and
Places are very limited – book now
Reserve your place by sending details to webmaster@socialistdemocracy.
Postscript: Call for papers.
We call on speakers, activists and on our readers who are interested but unable to attend to suggest background material that we can print and have available in advance. Material from a Marxist position on these issues is quite limited and we welcome contributions.

Lunchtime Talks on the Belfast Dockers Strike 1907

Tuesdays in October in Dublin City Hall

Dublin City Libraries in association with SIPTU are holding 5 lunch timetalks in Dublin City Hall, Dame St, Dublin. The talks take place on Tuesday 2, 9, 16, 23 and 30 Oct from1.10pm to 1.45pm. Admission is free and all are welcome.


It’s a 100 years since 1907 and Dublin City Libraries are running a series of free lunchtime lectures in Dublin City Hall in October. SIPTU are sponsoring. The talks are on Tuesdays 2, 9, 16, 23 and 30 Oct from 1.10pm to 1.45pm.


23 Oct: Belfast 1907: Context and Consequences by Henry Patterson, University of Ulster

30 Oct: Belfast 1907: Foundation stone of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union by Francis Devine, SIPTU College

More info from 01 2222204 or 01 6744996.


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